Uganda: When National Security Trumps Citizens’ Internet Freedoms

The Ugandan telecommunications sector was liberalised in 1998, resulting in an influx of service providers – there are currently four major mobile telecom operators and more than 30 Internet Service Providers (ISPs). The establishment of a Uganda Internet Exchange Point (UIXP) allows for local internet traffic routing, increased speeds and lower costs. The regulatory body reports a teledensity of 52 phones per 100 inhabitants and an internet penetration rate of 20%.
Ugandans have embraced social media as an alternative means of communication with their peers as well as for engaging with government. This is seen in the increase in the popularity of social networking sites such as Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn, Youtube and Blogspot, which are ranked among the top 10 most visited websites in Uganda. As such the government has developed social media guidelines to aid its ministries, agencies and departments in communicating and engaging with citizens online.
However, as the telecommunications sector grows, so have the number of laws passed to regulate it. Some of these laws have drawn criticism from internet actors both locally and internationally due to their severity, infringement on human rights and contradictions with other existing legislation, including the constitution.

“No person shall be subjected to interference with the privacy of that person’s home, correspondence, communication or other property.”

Article 27 (2) of Ugandan Constitution

The use of ICTs in Uganda is threatened by the very laws that are meant to both protect citizens and ensure their rights. The Regulation of Interception of Communications Act, 2010, the Anti-Terrorism Act No.14 of 2002, the Anti-Pornography Act of 2014 and the Anti-Homosexuality Act of 2014 have undercurrents of surveillance, content filtering, and monitoring.
Although these laws are guised under provisions aimed to protect national security or fight cybercrime, in effect they may serve to silence voices critical to the state. Ultimately, these provisions are resulting in self-censorship by both ordinary online users and the media.
Provisions in the Electronic Transactions Act of 2011 limit the liability of ISPs for users’ content and do not require them to monitor stored or transmitted data including for unlawful activity. However, other laws place ISPs at a cross roads of service provision and protection of subscriber information. They are required to lawfully release users’ data to state agencies for purposes such as fighting terrorism and cybercrime. Moreover, the Anti-Pornography Act (2014) requires them to monitor, filter and block content of a pornographic nature.
In the absence of a data protection and privacy law, just like other countries in East Africa (State of Internet Freedom in East Africa), users’ data is vulnerable to mishandling and abuse by the state and ISPs. These vulnerabilities are also transferred to the offline world where freedom of expression and assembly have not been spared as seen in the limiting provisions under the Public Order Management Act, 2013.
It should be noted that the Ugandan government recently announced plans to draft a Data Protection and Privacy Bill. This is a positive step toward the protection of personal information and its use by the government and the private sector.
Read more in the 2014 Internet Freedom in Uganda Report prepared by CIPESA under the OpenNet Africa initiative. The report provides a status of the legislative environment and threats to internet freedoms in the country.

Internet Freedom in Kenya: Balancing Hate Speech And Free Speech

By Juliet N. Nanfuka
As of May 2014, up to 52% of Kenya’s population had access to the internet. This was much higher than in other East African countries, where less than a quarter of the population had access to the internet. Most of the Kenyan population accessed the internet through mobile phones whose own popularity was partly driven by M-Pesa, a mobile phone based financial services system designed by local developers. Currently, Kenya has a mobile teledensity of 77% facilitated by four mobile service providers.
Kenya’s democratic credentials have been improving in recent years, owing to a new liberal constitution and various transparency and governance reforms. The 2010 constitution redistributed power, including that of the president, which for many years had been a highly divisive matter. However, some of the country’s laws as well as recent reforms undermine freedom of expression, including online. This is a familiar occurrence in East African countries, according to the recently released State of Internet Freedoms in East Africa Report.
The use of ICTs In Kenya has brought to the fore the problem of hate speech resulting from ethnic tensions which have polarised the country for decades. Hate speech became most apparent during the 2007 post-election period during which short message service (SMS) fuelled political conflict and ethnic based violence. More than 1,200 people were killed in the aftermath of the elections. A key concern since 2007 has been the movement of hate speech from SMS to social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter.
The lead up to the country’s March 2013 presidential elections saw the increased use of social media platforms by both citizens and politicians for campaign purposes, civic engagement, and communication, among others. Parallel to this was resurgence of hate speech online. This resulted in the government enacting laws to control hate speech both online and offline. For instance, the National Cohesion and Integration Act of 2008 criminalises the use of speech including words, programs, images or plays that are “threatening, abusive or insulting…” and “with the intent to stir up ethnic hatred…” (Section 13). This Act was supported by the Communications Amendment Act 2009 which also criminalises similar behaviour.
It was also during the elections period that 14 bloggers were sought by Kenyan authorities. Six of them were charged with posting “annoying” statements on social networks under Article 29(b) of the 2009 Kenya Information and Communications Act that prohibits the transmission of a message that is known “to be false for the purpose of causing annoyance, inconvenience or needless anxiety to another person”.
Additional actions included the monitoring of social media especially in the lead up to the 2013 elections as well as the issuance of regulations that required service providers to vet political bulk SMS content before rejecting or sending it.
While these actions and related legal provisions are aimed at controlling hate speech, they have had an impact on intermediary liability, free speech and media freedom online, as well as on privacy of communications. This is somewhat similar to Rwanda where freedom of expression has been curbed and online media heavily regulated in the wake of the 1994 genocide, during which traditional media fuelled ethnic tensions [See State of Online Freedom in Rwanda].
However, it should be noted that it is not only the need to fight hate speech online or to defuse ethnic polarisation more generally that has impeded internet freedoms in Kenya. In 2013, the Kenya Communications and Information (Amendment) Act, 2013 and the Media Council Act 2013 were amended but came with provisions that restrict media freedom and general freedom of expression. Further attempts were made by parliament to pass laws that restrict the operations of non-government organisations.
Kenya is faced with the tough challenge of controlling hate speech online without infringing on freedom of expression and privacy. Vague definitions of what constitutes hate speech and unclear provisions on the procedures for taking legal action against accused individuals leaves the gateway open for uncalled for legal action against those voicing legitimate opinion.
Read more on the practices, legislative environment, and threats to online freedoms in Kenya in the 2014 Internet Freedom in Kenya Report prepared by CIPESA under the OpenNet Africa Initiative.

Internet Freedom in Rwanda – A State of Monitored Media

This year, Rwanda observed 20 years since the 1994 genocide. Many stories were shared online informing both local and global audiences of a time that almost brought the country to a standstill. To date, the scars of the genocide period, during which some media houses fuelled ethnic tensions, influence how the state deals with online media.
Rwandan media law grants journalists and non-journalists the right to “receive, disseminate or send information through internet,” noting that every person “is entitled to the right of creating a website through which he/she disseminates the information to many people.” Additionally, the 2013 Law Regulating Media states that posting or sending information through the internet does not require the user to be a professional journalist.
In spite of having this generous law, some blogs and websites with content critical of the state have been targeted and blocked or shut down over the years. Indeed, there is a commonality between Rwanda and some of the other East African countries, such as Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda and Burundi, in the 2014 OpenNet Africa Internet Freedom Reports [See Regional Summary here] where laws and regulations restrict internet freedoms including through allowing interception of communication with limited oversight.
In April 2014, there were numerous and unrelated reports of online news journalists being arrested and intimidated with some allegedly fleeing the country. One online news editor reported that his website had been hacked and he disowned recent content published under his name.
Earlier in 2011, the online publication Umuvugizi was suspended for six months while its editor Jean Bosco Gasasira was sentenced to two and half years in jail for civil disobedience and insulting President Paul Kagame on the website. There are recent reports that some government employees use false user accounts on Twitter to intimidate journalists and spread propaganda. Ironically, President Paul Kagame has one of the more active presidential twitter accounts on the continent.
In most cases, national unity and security have been used as the reason for invasive monitoring to clamp down on media houses and bloggers in the country. This bears similarity to Kenya which has battled to control hate speech online in the aftermath of the 2007 post-election violence. [See State of Online Freedom in Kenya]

Whereas online user rights are recognised in various laws, restrictions applied in the context of national security, sectarianism and genocide ideology should be more explicitly defined.”

Source: Internet Freedom in Rwanda, An OpenNet Africa Report

With a population of 10.5 million, Rwanda’s mobile penetration stands at 63.5% and internet penetration at 19.5%. There are ongoing government-driven initiatives, such as the National Information Communication Technology (ICT) Literacy and Awareness Campaign and Vision 2020, which aim to improve governance, access and ICT skills development. However, this progress in the access to and use of ICTs by citizens and the government remains hampered by regressive laws and regulations. This contributes to self-censorship by both citizens and media when publishing content online which is increasingly becoming the preferred tool of communication.
Read more on the status of the practices, legislative environment, and threats to online freedoms in Rwanda in the 2014 Internet Freedom in Rwanda Report prepared by CIPESA as part of the OpenNet Africa initiative.

Internet Freedom in Ethiopia: Firmly gripped on(line) communications

As a country with one of the lowest levels of ICT use in Africa, Ethiopia’s online presence is further hampered by regressive laws on surveillance and interception of digital communications. The country’s sole service provider, the state-owned Ethio Telecom, makes it easy for government to monitor and control citizens’ communications.
Unlike Ethiopia, all the other countries in the East African region have opened up their telecommunications sector to multiple players, which has contributed to increased ICT access levels. See table below indicating number of service providers per country in East Africa.

Country Number of Mobile/Fixed Line service providers Number of Internet Service Providers
Burundi 4 8
Ethiopia 1 1
Kenya 4 32
Rwanda 4 10
Tanzania 12 40
Uganda 7 30

Ethiopia like other countries in East Africa [See Regional summary],has passed numerous laws that contradict its constitution in the areas of free speech, privacy and freedom of expression online

“Everyone has the right to freedom of expression without any interference. This right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any media of his choice.”

Article 29 of the Ethiopian Constitution

Laws that pertain to the media, anti-terrorism, and telecoms fraud do more to detract from the rights of citizens than they do to protect them. These laws also give overwhelming powers to state organs to interfere with citizens’ online freedoms, with limited judicial or legislative safeguards. The overbearing mandate held by the Information Network Security Agency (INSA) and the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS), allows for rampant invasive monitoring and surveillance of mobile networks and internet, mainly targeted at those known or perceived to be critical of the one-party regime. This has prompted widespread self-censorship among online users as the penalties are tough.
The law restricts the use of voice-over-internet protocol services such as Skype and Google Talk, which undermines citizens’ internet rights and reinforces the position of the sole service provider.
The government justifies these stringent controls on the telecoms sector and the affronts to online freedoms to a need to prevent threats to the country’s socio-economic progress and political stability. Most recently, on April 25, 2014, six bloggers of the independent activist group ‘Zone 9’ and a prominent Ethiopian journalist were arrested for allegedly working with foreign organisations and rights activists through “using social media to destabilise the country.” See article here. The group, which has a strong following on social media, had temporarily suspended their activities earlier this year after accusing the government of harassing their members.
Although the National ICT Policy of 2009 lists encouraging public participation in political processes among its objectives, it offers no protection to those who criticise the state nor does it stipulate the ways in which ICT can be used by citizens monitoring governance and transparency.
Despite these restrictions in the online sphere, the country experienced a surge in access to ICT with mobile subscriptions tripling from 6.8 million subscribers in 2010 to 20.5 million subscribers in 2012. Internet usage is estimated at 1.5% of the country’s population of just under 90 million.
The Internet Freedom in East Africa Regional Summary Report indicates a growing demand for internet services throughout the region, but for Ethiopian citizens, the monopoly by Ethio Telecoms and rampant intrusion into citizens’ communications severely limit citizens’ internet freedoms.
Read more on the status of the policies, legislative environment, and threats to online freedoms in Ethiopia in the 2014 Internet Freedom in Ethiopia Report prepared by CIPESA as part of the OpenNet Africa initiative.

Online Freedoms in Burundi – Breaking the boundaries of online commentary

Since the liberalisation of the telecommunications sector in 1997, Burundi has seen a consistent growth in mobile phone penetration, which in 2012 stood at 26 mobile phones per 100 users. Some 1.2% of the population has access to the internet, mostly through mobile phones. Whereas these access rates are much lower than in most East African countries, unlike Ethiopia which has a single telecommunications service provider [See State of Online Freedom in Ethiopia], Burundi has eight, including a state-owned entity.
Like the other landlocked countries in the region, namely Ethiopia, Rwanda and Uganda, Burundi is faced with high internet costs due to the connections required to offshore fibre optic cables such as the Eastern Africa Submarine Cable System (EASSy).To support the growth of its telecommunications sector, the country has invested in the Burundi Backbone System (BBS) which is the national internet access infrastructure that currently covers eight of the country’s 17 districts.
Although the coverage is still in its infancy, the backbone system, which is financed by the government, the World Bank and four telecom operators – Ucom Burundi, Africell Tempo, Onatel and CBINE- is working to provide high speed internet at lower costs. Besides, there is the recent launch of BurundiX, the local Internet Exchange Point, which is also aimed to help further reduce access costs.
The National Communications Council (CNC) is tasked with regulating online and offline media in the country. It is mandated to ensure that citizens have access to balanced information and a diversity of opinions including political, social, cultural and economic opinion through the public media.
The CNC is meant to be a neutral entity. However, in May 2013, the Council ordered a 30 day shut down of the discussion forum of an online news publisher – www.iwacu-burundi.org.
The shutdown was as a result of comments posted on the site, which the CNC considered “defamatory against official institutions” and in contravention of the 2003 Press Law. The regulator said the comments constituted an “attack on national unity, public order and security, inciting ethnic hatred, defending criminal activity and insulting the head of state” according to the press law.
In similarity to the CNC in Burundi, the Uganda Communications Commission [See State of Online Freedom in Uganda], and the Rwanda Media Commission [See State of Online Freedom in Rwanda], have faced criticism for their roles in interfering with online freedom.
Freedom of the media and expression is provided for in Burundi legislation. However, with growing internet penetration, the country has adopted regressive laws and practices on communications. In January 2014, as a result of opposition calls for protests against proposed amendments to the country’s 2005 constitution, the communications regulatory authority issued a notice warning the public against transmitting SMS and anonymous calls that could fuel tensions. The regulator stated that it would work with service providers “on cooperation mechanisms in the traceability” of communications.
These recent events have created an atmosphere of uncertainty about the extent to which online and offline freedoms can be fully exercised by the media and citizens.
Like many of the countries studied in the State of Internet Freedom in East Africa Report, self-censorship by both the media and citizens in Burundi is applied to content shared in the online arena.
Read more on the status of the legislative environment, and threats to online freedoms in Burundi in the 2014 Internet Freedom in Burundi Report prepared by CIPESA’s OpenNet Africa.