Why It’s Not Yet Uhuru for Artificial Intelligence in Africa and What To Do About It

By CIPESA Writer |

At the first Global Summit on Artificial Intelligence (AI) in Africa in Kigali, Rwanda earlier this month, it was evident that African countries are hugely lagging behind the rest of the world in developing and utilising AI. Also clear was that if the continent makes the right investments today, it stands to reap considerable benefits.

The challenges Africa faces were well-articulated at the summit that brought together 2,000 participants from 97 countries, as were the solutions. Some important steps were taken, such as issuance of the Africa Declaration on Artificial Intelligence that aims to mobilise USD 60 billion for the prospective Africa AI Fund, the unveiling of the Gates Foundation investment in AI Scaling Labs in four African countries, announcement of the Cassava AI Factory that is said to be Africa’s first AI-enabled data centre, and endorsement of the Africa Artificial Intelligence Council.

Just Where Does Africa Lie?

Crystal Rugege, Managing Director of the Rwanda Centre for the Fourth Industrial Revolution, which hosted the summit, noted that AI could unlock USD 2.9 trillion for Africa’s economy by 2030, thereby lifting 11 million Africans out of poverty and creating 500,000 jobs annually. However, Rugege added, “this will not happen by chance. It requires bold, decisive leadership and collective action.”

Some independent researchers and scholars feel most African countries are not doing enough to stimulate AI innovation and uptake. Indeed, speakers at an independent webinar held on the eve of the Kigali summit criticised the “ambitious prediction” of the USD 2.9 trillion AI dividend for Africa, citing the lack of inclusive AI policy-making, and African countries’ failure to invest in a workforce that is fit for the AI age.

A handful of countries (including Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, Kenya, Mauritius, Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, Rwanda and Zambia) have developed AI Strategies and at least eight others are in the process of doing so, but there is minimal government-funded AI innovation and deployment. Africa receives only a pittance of the global AI funding.

Key Hindrances

The summit was not blind to the key hindrances to AI development and deployment. Africa’s limited computational power (or compute) including a shortage of locally-based data centres was severally cited. Africa holds less than 1% of global data centre capacity, which is insufficient to train and run AI models. Also, while the continent has the world’s youngest population, it is lowly skilled. Moreover, only 5% of the region’s AI talent has access to the computational power and resources needed to carry out complex tasks. Many countries also lack the requisite energy supplies to power sustained AI development. Also, Africa’s 60% mobile internet usage gap is slowing AI adoption and economic growth.

Accordingly, the summit – and the declaration it issued – focussed on how to address these bottlenecks. Recommendations include to focus education systems on Fourth Industrial Revolution skills including to build for and adapt to AI; developing AI infrastructure (innovation labs, data centres, sustainable energy); scaling African AI businesses (including enabling them to access affordable funding); and enhancing AI research.

Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, Chairperson of the African Union (AU) Commission, stressed the need to create a harmonised regulatory environment to enable cross-border AI trade and investment; and to leverage Africa’s rich and diverse datasets to fuel AI innovation and power global AI models.

Important Steps in Kigali
  • The Africa Declaration on Artificial Intelligence builds on the foundational strategies, policies and commitments of the AU (such as its AI Strategy and the Data Policy Framework) and the United Nations. It seeks to develop a comprehensive talent pipeline through AI education and research; establishes frameworks for open, secure and inclusive data governance; provides for deployments of affordable and sustainable computing infrastructure accessible to researchers, innovators and entrepreneurs across Africa; and aims to create supportive ecosystems with regional AI incubation hubs driving innovation and scaling African AI enterprises domestically and globally.

    The Declaration envisages the establishment of a USD 60 billion Africa AI Fund, leveraging public, private, and philanthropic capital. The Fund would invest in developing and expanding AI infrastructure, scaling African AI enterprises, building a robust pipeline of AI practitioners, and strengthening domestic AI research capabilities, while upholding principles of equity and inclusion.
  • The AI Scaling Labs: The Gates Foundation and Rwanda’s Ministry of ICT and Innovation signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to establish the Rwanda AI Scaling Hub, in which the foundation will invest USD 7.5 million. It will initially focus on healthcare, agriculture, and education. Over the next 12 months, the foundation plans to establish similar centres in Kenya, Nigeria, and Senegal “to break down barriers to scale and help move promising AI innovations to impact.”
  • The Cassava AI Factory: Cassava Technologies announced the Cassava AI Factory, reportedly Africa’s first AI-enabled data centre, powered by NVIDIA accelerated computing. “Building digital infrastructure for the AI economy is a priority if Africa is to take full advantage of the fourth industrial revolution,” said Cassava Founder and Chairman, Strive Masiyiwa. “Our AI Factory provides the infrastructure for this innovation to scale, empowering African businesses, startups and researchers with access to cutting-edge AI infrastructure to turn their bold ideas into real-world breakthroughs – and now, they don’t have to look beyond Africa to get it.”

    By keeping AI infrastructure and data within Africa, Cassava Technologies says it is strengthening the continent’s digital independence, driving local innovation and supporting African AI talent and businesses. Its first deployment in South Africa (in June 2025) will be followed by expansion to Egypt, Kenya, Morocco, and Nigeria.
  • The Africa Artificial Intelligence Council: The Smart Africa Alliance Steering Committee Meeting co-chaired by the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) Secretary and the AU Commissioner for Infrastructure and Energy, endorsed the creation of the Council to drive continental coordination on critical AI pillars, including AI computing infrastructure, data sets and data infrastructure development, skills development, market use cases, and governance/policy.
  • Use Cases and Sandboxes: Documentation of tangible use cases and sandboxes that support innovation and regulation is vital in AI development on the continent. On the sidelines of the summit, CIPESA contributed to two co-creation initiatives. The Datasphere Initiative held a Co-creation Lab on the role of AI sandboxes in supporting regulatory innovation and ethical AI governance in Africa. Meanwhile, Qhala hosted a Digital Trade and Regulatory Sandbox session focused on digital health, smartphones, and cross-border trade. Separately, the Rwanda Health Intelligence Centre was unveiled, which enables AI-driven emergency medical services delivery and real-time collection of data on healthcare outcomes in hospitals, thus strengthening evidence-based decision-making.

Ultimately, the AI promise remains high but for it to be realised, the ideas from the Kigali summit must be translated into actions. Countries must stump up funds for research and scaling innovations, support their citizens in acquiring AI-relevant skills, expand internet access and affordability, provide supportive infrastructure, and incentivise foreign investment and technology transfer. Moreover, they should ensure that national laws and regulations promote fair, safe, secure, inclusive and responsible AI, and conform to continental aspirations such as the African Union AI Strategy.

NEW BRIEF: Policy Considerations for Enhancing Digital Trade in East Africa

By Lillian Nalwoga |

The East African region is on the cusp of a digital revolution, with significant strides being made in digital trade and payments. This is driven by remarkable growth in internet penetration, mobile money services, and the adoption of emerging technologies like 5G and Artificial Intelligence (AI).

Further, initiatives such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the East African Community (EAC) e-Commerce Strategy are laying the groundwork for a thriving digital economy. The World Bank projects digital services exports from Africa to reach USD 74 billion by 2040, highlighting the immense opportunity at hand. Despite these strides, there are several key challenges that need to be addressed to fully unlock the region’s digital potential.

In this brief, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) outlines barriers to digital trade and presents key policy recommendations for promoting a human rights-based digital economy in the region.

According to the brief, the key barriers hindering the advancement of digital trade in East Africa include:

  • Limited Digital Infrastructure and Internet Access: While mobile internet penetration is growing, issues like internet subsea cable cuts, network disruptions, low digital literacy, and low affordability persist. Uneven distribution of infrastructure, high deployment costs, and slow adoption of new technologies further exacerbate the digital divide.
  • Fragmented Approaches to Digital Economy Taxation: Differing digital service taxes (DST) across countries create complexities and may impede innovation and cross-border trade. Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania all levy DST, with Kenya’s rate being the highest in the region.
  • Data Governance and Privacy Concerns: While some countries have adopted data protection laws, harmonise action is lacking. Issues like data localisation requirements and the need for a comprehensive regional approach to data privacy and management remain.
  • Limited Local Data Centres: The region has a limited number of data centres, which hinders data localisation efforts and the advancement of AI and other data-intensive technologies. Restrictive regulatory frameworks in some countries further complicate the use of cloud solutions.
  • Rising Cybersecurity Threats: Cyber risks are a major concern, with increasing cyber attacks targeting various sectors. Cybercrime laws, while necessary, sometimes contain vague provisions that can be used to curtail online freedoms.

To overcome these challenges and fully leverage the digital economy, the policy brief offers several key recommendations:

  • Embrace Digital Transformation and Connectivity: Invest in robust networks, backup systems, and address single points of failure in internet connectivity.
  • Implement Robust Cybersecurity Frameworks: Prioritise investments in cyber infrastructure, skilling, and awareness.
  • Recognise Data as a Trade Enabler: Ensure trade agreements prevent unnecessary restrictions on data flows and adopt balanced data localisation policies.
  • Harmonise Data Protection Standards: Reduce compliance costs and build trust by harmonising data protection standards across the region.
  • Build Robust Digital Infrastructure: Focus on Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI), data policy, privacy, and protection.
  • Speed up the Adoption of the EAC Data Governance Policy Framework: Secure resources for its implementation.
  • Assess and Address the Impact of Emerging Technologies: Ensure policies foster innovation while addressing ethical and legal challenges.

The East African region has the potential to become a major player in the global digital economy. By addressing the existing barriers and implementing these recommendations, the region can create a thriving digital ecosystem that benefits all its residents.

Read the full brief here.

CIPESA and Partners Advocate for Inclusion of Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence in Uganda’s Sexual Offences Bill

By Ainembabazi Patricia |

On February 18, 2025, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) alongside Pollicy and the Gender Tech Initiative appeared before Members of Uganda’s Parliament to advocate for the inclusion of Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence (TFGBV) in the Sexual Offences Bill 2024.

The rapid evolution of digital technologies has reshaped societal interactions, leading to increased perpetration of online violence. In Uganda, online users increasingly face digital forms of abuse that often mirror or escalate offline sexual offences, yet efforts to combat gender-based violence are met with both legal and practical challenges.

The Sexual Offences Bill aims to address sexual offences by providing for the effectual prevention of sexual violence, enhancement of the punishment of sexual offenders, providing for the protection of victims during trial of sexual offences, and providing for extra-territorial application of the law.

In the presentation to Committee of Legal and Parliamentary Affairs and the Committee on Gender, Labour, and Social Development, CIPESA and partners emphasised the necessity of closing the policy gap between digital and physical sexual offenses in the Bill, to ensure that Uganda’s legal system is responsive to the realities of technology advancements and related violence. We argued that while the Bill is timely and presents real issues of sexual violence especially against women, there are some pertinent aspects that have been left out and should be included.

According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), TFGBV is “an act of violence perpetrated by one or more individuals that is committed, assisted, aggravated, and amplified in part or fully by the use of information and communication technologies or digital media, against a person on the basis of their gender.” It includes cyberstalking, doxing, non-consensual sharing of intimate images, cyberbullying, and other forms of online harassment.

In Uganda, TFGBV is not addressed by the existing laws including the Penal Code Act and the Computer Misuse Act. Adding TFGBV to the bill will provide an opportunity to bridge this legal gap by explicitly incorporating TFGBV as a prosecutable offence.

CIPESA and partners’ recommendations to the Committees were to:

1. Include and Explicitly Define TFGBV

Under Part I (Preliminary), the Bill provides definitions for various terms related to sexual offences, including references to digital and online platforms. However, it does not explicitly define TFGBV or recognise its various manifestations. This omission limits the Bill’s effectiveness in addressing emerging forms of online sexual offences.

We propose an introduction of a new clause under Part I defining TFGBV, to ensure the Bill adequately addresses offences committed via digital means. The definition should align with international standards, such as the UNFPA’s definition of TFGBV, and should ensure consistency with Uganda’s digital policy frameworks, including the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda 1995, the Data Protection and Privacy Act, 2019, the Computer Misuse (Amendment) Act 2022, Penal Code Act Cap 120, and the Uganda Communications Act 2013.

2. Recognising Various Forms of TFGBV

Clause 7 of the Bill provides for the penalisation of Indecent Communication or transmission of sexual content without consent. It criminalises the sharing of unsolicited material of a sexual nature, including the unauthorised distribution of nude images or videos. However, the provision does not explicitly mention cyber harassment, online grooming, sextortion, or non-consensual intimate image sharing (commonly known as “revenge porn”).  As such, we recommended the expansion of Clause 7 to explicitly recognise and define offences such as Cyber harassment, Non-consensual intimate image sharing, Online grooming, and Sextortion. This addition will clarify legal pathways for victims and broaden the scope of protection against digital sexual exploitation. 

3. Replacing “Online Platform” with “Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence”

In clause 1 the Bill defines “on-line platform” as any computer-based technology that facilitates the sharing of information, ideas, or other forms of expression. This encompasses social media sites, websites, and other digital communication tools. Clause 6 addresses the offense of indecent exposure, criminalising the intentional display of one’s sexual organs in public or through electronic means, including online platforms and clause 7 pertains to the non-consensual sharing of intimate content. However, these provisions do not comprehensively categorise TFGBV as a distinct form of sexual offences. Accordingly, “Online Platform” should be replaced with “Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence” to ensure the Bill adequately captures all digital gender-based offences, including deepfake pornography, cyberstalking, and sexual exploitation through content generated by artificial intelligence.

4. Criminalising Voyeurism

The Bill does not explicitly criminalise voyeurism, which refers to the act of secretly observing, recording, or distributing images or videos of individuals in private settings without their consent, often for sexual gratification. Thee is increasing prevalence of voyeurism through hidden cameras, non-consensual recordings, and live-streamed sexual abuse.  Voyeurism should be criminalised with a clear definition provided under clause 1 and the scope and penalty defined under Part II of the Bill.

5. Strengthening Accountability for Technology Platforms

The Bill does not impose specific responsibilities on digital platforms and service providers in cases of TFGBV. We argued for the addition of a new clause under Part III (Procedures and Evidential Provisions) mandating digital platforms and service providers to cooperate in investigations related to TFGBV, and provide relevant data and evidence upon request by law enforcement. Similarly,  the provision should expand into the obligation to ensure data protection compliance and  implementation of proactive measures to detect, remove, and report sexual exploitation content.  This provision will enhance accountability and facilitate the prosecution of perpetrators. 

6. Aligning Uganda’s Legislation with Regional and International Frameworks

The Bill does not explicitly state its alignment with regional and international human rights instruments addressing sexual violence and digital rights.  We recommend an addition of a new clause under Part I (Preliminaries) stating that the Bill shall be interpreted in a manner that aligns with the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) Resolution 522 (2022) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). This will reinforce Uganda’s commitment to and application of international best practices in combating sexual offences. 

7. Enhancing Legal Remedies for Survivors

Clause 42 (Settlement in Capital Sexual Offences) prohibits compromise settlements in cases of rape, aggravated rape, and defilement, prescribing a 10-year prison sentence for offenders who attempt to settle such cases outside court. However, the Bill does not provide civil remedies for victims of TFGBV-related crimes, nor does it ensure access to psycho-social support.  We recommend an expansion of Clause 42 to include  civil remedies, including compensation for victims of TFGBV, psychosocial and legal support, ensuring survivors receive necessary rehabilitation, and mandatory reporting obligations for online platforms hosting TFGBV-related content. 

The inclusion of TFGBV in the Sexual Offences Bill 2024 will not only strengthen the fight against gender-based violence but also ensure that survivors access justice. The proposed legislative changes will reinforce Uganda’s commitment to upholding digital rights and gender equality in the digital age. The country will also join the ranks of pioneers such as South Africa who have taken legislative steps to criminalise online gender-based violence.

By incorporating the proposed provisions and amendments, the Sexual Offences Bill, 2024 will clearly define online-based sexual offenses, bring perpetrators of online violence to book and provide protection for survivors of digital sexual offences. It will also contribute to the building and strengthening of accountability for technology platforms. Once enacted, the law will also go strides in ensuring that Uganda’s legal framework aligns with regional and international human rights standards on protection of survivors while guaranteeing effective prosecution of offenders of technology-facilitated sexual offences.

Download the Full report here

What Does Meta’s About-Turn on Content Moderation Bode for Africa?

By CIPESA Writer |

Meta’s recent decision to get rid of its third-party fact-checkers, starting within the United States, has sent shockwaves globally, raising significant concerns about the concept of free speech and the fight against disinformation and misinformation. The announcement was part of a raft of major policy changes announced on January 7, 2025 by Meta’s CEO Mark Zuckerberg that will affect its platforms Facebook, Instagram and Threads used by three billion people worldwide. They include the introduction of the user-generated “Community Notes” model, elimination of third-party fact-checkers, reduced content restrictions and enforcement, and enabling the personalisation of civic or political content.

While the announcement makes no reference to Africa, the changes will trickle down to the continent. Meta’s decision is particularly concerning for Africa which is unique in terms of linguistic and cultural diversity, limited digital and media information literacy, coupled with the growing challenges of hate speech and election-related disinformation, lack of context-specific content moderation policies, and inadequate investment in local fact-checking initiatives.

Africa’s content moderation context and needs are also quite different from those of Europe or North America due to the predominant use of local languages that are often overlooked by automated fact-checking algorithms and content filters.

Notably, the justifications given by Meta are quite weak, as the new changes appear to undermine its own initiatives to promote free speech, particularly the work of its third-party fact-checking program and the Oversight Board, which it set up to help resolve some of the most difficult questions around freedom of expression online and information integrity. The decision also appears to be politically and economically motivated as the company seeks to re-align itself with and appease the incoming Trump administration that has been critical against fact-checking and get assistance in pushing back against regulation of its activities outside the U.S.

The company also amended its policy on Hateful Conduct on January 7, 2025, and replaced the term “hate speech” with “hateful conduct” and eliminated previous thresholds for taking down hate content and will allow more hateful speech against specific groups. Further, whereas the company is moving its Trust and Safety and Content Moderation Teams to Texas, it is yet to set up such robust teams for Africa.

Importance of Fact-Checking

Fact-checking plays a critical role in combating disinformation and misinformation and fostering informed public discourse. By verifying the accuracy of online content, fact-checkers help to identify unauthentic content and counter the spread of false narratives that can incite violence, undermine trust in institutions, or distort democratic processes.

Additionally, it promotes accountability and reduces the virality of misleading content, particularly during sensitive periods, such as elections, political unrest, public health crises, or conflict situations, where accurate and credible information is crucial for decision-making. Moreover, fact-checking fosters media literacy by encouraging audiences to critically evaluate information sources.

Fact-checking organisations such as Politifact have criticised the assertions by the Meta CEO that fact-checkers were “too politically biased” and had “destroyed more trust than they had created, especially in the U.S.”, yet decisions and power to take down content have been squarely Meta’s responsibility, with fact-checkers only providing independent review of posts. The Meta assertions also undermine the work of independent media outlets and civil society who have been accused by authoritarian regimes of being corrupt political actors.

 However, fact-checking is not without its challenges and downsides. The process can inadvertently suppress free expression, especially in contexts where the line between disinformation and legitimate dissent is blurred. In Africa, where cultural and linguistic diversity is vast, and resources for local-language moderation are limited, fact-checking algorithms or teams may misinterpret context, leading to unjust content removal or amplification of bias. Furthermore, fact-checking initiatives can become tools for censorship if not governed transparently, particularly in authoritarian settings.

Despite these challenges, the benefits of fact-checking far outweigh their challenges. Instead of getting rid of fact-checking, Meta and other big tech companies should strengthen its implementation by providing enough resources to both recruit, train and provide psycho-social services to fact-checkers.

Impact of the Decision for Africa
  1. Increase of Disinformation

Africa faces a distinct set of challenges that make effective content moderation and fact-checking particularly crucial. Disinformation and misinformation in Africa have had far-reaching consequences, from disrupting electoral processes and influencing the choice of candidates by unsuspecting voters to jeopardising public health. Disinformation during elections has fueled violence, while health-related misinformation during health crises, such as during the Covid-19 pandemic, endangered lives by undermining public health efforts. False claims about the virus, vaccines, or cures led to vaccine hesitancy, resistance to public health measures like mask mandates, and the proliferation of harmful treatments. This eroded trust in health institutions, slowed down pandemic response efforts, and contributed to preventable illnesses and deaths, disproportionately affecting vulnerable populations.

The absence of fact-checking exacerbates the existing challenges of context insensitivity, as automated systems and under-resourced moderation teams fail to address the nuances of African content. The introduction of the user-driven Community Notes, which is similar to the model used on X, will still require experts’ input, especially in a region where many governments are authoritarian. Yet, media and information literacy and access to credible and reliable information is limited, and Meta’s platforms are primary ways to access independent news and information.

Research on the use of Community Notes on X has shown that the model has limited effectiveness in reducing the spread of disinformation, as it “might be too slow to intervene in the early (and most viral stages of the diffusion”, which is the most critical. The move also undermines efforts by civil society and fact-checking organisations in the region who have been working tirelessly to combat the spread of harmful content online.

  1. Political Manipulation and Increased Malign Influence

Dialing down on moderation and oversight may empower political actors who wish to manipulate public opinion through disinformation campaigns resulting in the surge of such activities. Given that social media has been instrumental in mobilising political movements across Africa, the lack of robust content moderation and fact-checking could hinder democratic processes and amplify extremist views and propaganda. Research has shown an apparent link between disinformation and political instability in Africa.

Unchecked false narratives not only mislead voters, but also distort public discourse and diminish public trust in key governance and electoral institutions. Authoritarian regimes may also use it to undermine dissent. Moreover, the relaxation of content restrictions on sensitive and politically divisive topics like immigration and gender could open floodgates for targeted hate speech, incitement and discrimination which could exacerbate gender disinformation, ethnic and political tensions. Likewise, weak oversight may enable foreign/external actors to manipulate elections.

  1. Regulatory and Enforcement Gaps

The effect of Meta easing restrictions on moderation of sensitive topics and reduced oversight of content could lead to an increase of harmful content on their platforms. Already, various African countries have  weak regulatory frameworks for harmful content and thus rely on companies like Meta to self-regulate effectively. Meta’s decision could spur efforts by some African governments to introduce new and more repressive laws to restrict certain types of content and hold platforms accountable for their actions. As our research has shown, such laws could be abused and employed to suppress dissent and curtail online freedoms such as expression, assembly, and association as well as access to information, creating an even more precarious environment.

  1. Limited Engagement with Local Actors

Meta’s decision to abandon fact-checking raises critical concerns for Africa, coming after the tech giant’s January 2023 decision to sever ties with their East African content moderation contractor, Sama, based out of Nairobi, Kenya, that was responsible for content moderation in the region. The Sama-operated hub announced its exit from content moderation services to focus on data annotation tasks, citing the prevailing economic climate as a reason for streamlining operations. Additionally, the Nairobi hub faced legal and ethical challenges, including allegations of poor working conditions, inadequate mental health support for moderators exposed to graphic content, and unfair labour practices. These issues led to lawsuits against both Sama and Meta, intensifying scrutiny of their practices.

Meanwhile, fact-checking partnerships with local organisations have played a crucial role in addressing disinformation, and their elimination erodes trust in Meta’s commitment to advancing information integrity in the region. Meta has fact-checking arrangements with various companies across 119 countries, including 26 in Africa. Some of the companies in Africa include AFP, AFP – Coverage, AFP – Hub, Africa Check, Congo Check, Dubawa, Fatabyyano فتبين,  Les Observateurs de France 24 and PesaCheck. In the aftermath of Meta’s decision to sever ties with their East African third-party content moderators, Sama let go of about 200 employees.

Opportunities Amidst Challenges

While Meta’s decision to abandon fact-checking is a concerning development, it also presents an opportunity for African stakeholders to utilise regional instruments, such as the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa, to assert thought leadership and demand better practices from platforms. Engaging with Meta’s regional leadership and building coalitions with other civil society actors can amplify advocacy about the continent’s longstanding digital rights and disinformation concerns and demands for more transparency and accountability.

Due to the ongoing pushback against the recently announced changes, Meta should be more receptive to dialogue and recommendations to review and contextualise the new proposals. For Africa, Meta must address its shortcomings by urgently investing and strengthening localised content moderation in Africa. It must reinvest in fact-checking partnerships, particularly with African organisations that understand local contexts. These partnerships are essential for addressing misinformation in local languages and underserved regions.

The company must also improve its automated content moderation tools, including by developing tools that can handle African culture, languages and dialects, hire more qualified moderators with contextual knowledge, provide comprehensive training for them and expand its partnerships with local stakeholders. Moreover, the company must ensure meaningful transparency and accountability as many of its transparency and content enforcement reports lack critical information and disaggregated data about its actions in most African countries.

Lastly, both governments and civil society in Africa must invest in digital, media and information literacy which is essential to empower users to critically think about and evaluate online content. Meta should partner with local organisations to promote digital literacy initiatives and develop educational campaigns tailored to different regions and languages. This will help build resilience against misinformation and foster a more informed digital citizenry.

In conclusion, it remains to be seen how the new changes by Meta will be implemented in the U.S., and subsequently in Africa, and how the company will address the gaps left by fact-checkers and mitigate the risks and negative consequences stemming from its decision. Notably, while there is widespread acknowledgement that content moderation systems on social media platforms are broken, efforts to promote and protect rights to free expression and access to information online should be encouraged. However, these efforts should not come at the expense of user trust and safety, and information integrity.

Job Opportunity: CIPESA Seeks a Communications Officer

Call for Applications |

Job title:                                               Communications Officer

Deadline for applications:                 January 10, 2025

Location:                                              Can be Remote, or based at CIPESA office in Kampala, Uganda

Duration:                                             Two (2) Years

About CIPESA

The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) works to defend and expand the digital civic space to enable the protection and promotion of human rights and to enhance innovation and sustainable development. With a focus on disparate actors, including the private sector, civil society, media, policymakers, and multinational institutions, our work aims to engender a free, open, and secure internet that advances rights, livelihoods, and democratic governance. CIPESA’s work responds to a shortage of information, research, resources, and actors consistently working at the nexus of technology, human rights, and society.

CIPESA is seeking a Communications Officer to help increase the visibility of our work in defending and expanding the digital civic space.

Job Summary:

This is an opportunity to work with CIPESA’s expanding team and network of collaborators, including the private sector, civil society, media, academia, policymakers, and multinational institutions. The Communications Officer will work collaboratively with the CIPESA team to create, implement, and oversee internal and external communications programmes that effectively engender a free, open, and secure internet that advances rights, livelihoods, and democratic governance.

Key Areas of Accountability Include:
  • Implement the CIPESA Communications Strategy, so as to increase brand awareness and recognition and to reach out to external stakeholders and respond to the needs of targeted audiences.
  • Document and communicate CIPESA’s work through powerful storytelling using various tools and platforms.
  • Manage communication tools to ensure that CIPESA partners and collaborators are kept informed and engaged and messages effectively and consistently describe CIPESA and its goals and activities.
  • Monitor and evaluate communication and advocacy activities.
  • Manage the production of CIPESA publications, including research reports, impact reports, policy briefs, annual reports and newsletters.
  • Work with CIPESA staff to draft, edit and refine press releases, talking points, blog posts, speeches, grant applications and other external communications.
  • Engage staff and key stakeholders in promoting CIPESA’s mission. This includes establishing rapport with them and ensuring visibility.
  • Oversee and grow the content of CIPESA’s website and other digital and social media resources.
  • Liaise with various media houses and content publishers for publicity and promotion as required.
  • Media monitoring and outreach to mainstream and technology-focused media.
  • Manage the communications related logistics and support for CIPESA events.
  • Oversee the maintenance of CIPESA’s contact database, events and publications calendar, and other communication tools.
  • Curate thematic news content for CIPESA’s platforms including reporting on the latest trends and developments in technology in the region.
  • Conducting other tasks as appropriate to support CIPESA’s mission.  
Qualifications and Experience:

This position is applicable to people with at least five years of relevant experience. An ideal candidate would demonstrate the following:

  • Undergraduate degree and/or equivalent experience in communications, public affairs, advocacy or journalism; and a demonstrated interest/knowledge related to one or more of these fields: human rights law or policy, technology policy, digital rights, social or development studies. Postgraduate qualifications are a distinct advantage.
  • Outstanding verbal and written communication skills — including strong writing and editing skills for different platforms (social media, blogs, campaign tool kits)  and varied external audiences.
  • Experience working with journalists or in the media.
  • Proficiency in creatively using  digital and social media, including multimedia content development and storytelling.
  • Confidence/experience in multi-stakeholder environments and differing cultural settings, and in working with diverse constituencies.
  • Exceptional project and time management, planning and organisational skills, resourcefulness and attention to detail.
  • Fluency in English is required, and proficiency in another language is an advantage.
  • Familiarity with Content Management Systems and creative software suites are an advantage.

Salary and Benefits: Salary will be commensurate with experience. CIPESA provides a benefits package that includes health care, provident fund, statutory pension and paid leave.

Standards of Professional Conduct: CIPESA staff and partners must adhere to the values and principles outlined in the Code of Conduct, and the Safeguarding against Sexual Exploitation and Abuse and Sexual Harassment (SEAH) Policy. In accordance with these, CIPESA operates and enforces policies on Beneficiary Protection from Exploitation and Abuse, Child Safeguarding, Harassment-Free Workplace, Fiscal Integrity, Anti-Retaliation, and several others.

To Apply: Please send your interest including a cover letter detailing why you think your skill set would be ideal for this position, along with a CV, the names and contact details of two referees and 2-3 writing/content samples in one PDF file to [email protected] with Application for Communications Officer in the email subject line.