Online Activism is Moving the Dial on Social Accountability in Uganda

By Peter G. Mwesige |

The viral #UgandaParliamentExhibition hashtag campaign on X on the excesses of the Ugandan parliament has once again put digital media at the centre of debate on citizen agency in the demand for transparency and accountability from duty bearers.

Fifteen years or so ago, the jury was still out on whether digital platforms including social media were a boon to citizen participation or the bane of meaningful political action. Even more recently, “hashtag activism” or what some called “slacktivism” was still being dismissed as “performative activism” that inhibited offline participation or created the illusion of participation.

The debate remains unsettled, but there is no denying that social media platforms have “democratised access to information” and offered alternative avenues for citizens to amplify their voice in the demand for accountability from those that hold power.    

The Ugandan online exhibitions were started last year by Dr. Jimmy Spire Ssentongo, an academic, cartoonist, and social commentator. He has described them as “an open invitation to the public, to whoever has an issue about a particular institution or sector to come out … a public initiative to demand for accountability; to showcase things (people) are not happy about; to showcase their pain.”

From the #UgandaPotholeExhibition, the #UgandaHealthExhibition, the #UgandaNGOExhibition (where the activists appeared to devour their own), the #UgandaLabourExhibition, the #UgandaSecurityExhibition and so on, activists have been joined by Ugandans from all walks of life to shine the torchlight on pressing public concerns.

The #UgandaParliamentExhibition is slightly different. It has been organised under the AGORA Centre for Research, the brainchild of journalist and lawyer Agather Atuhaire, who recently won the U.S. State Department International Women of Courage Award (and last year won the European Union’s Human Rights Defenders’ Award in Uganda), fellow lawyer Godwin Toko, and others. Sharing evidence from official records, highlighting standout posts on digital flyers, throwing in the occasional handwritten satirical stingers from Ssentongo, and complementing tweeting with X Spaces, AGORA has flooded the zone with evidence of abuse of public funds at parliament. The vociferous Anthony Natif of Public Square and exiled activist and author Kakwenza Rukirabasaija have also lit up the exhibition.

In a space of about two weeks the #UgandaParliamentExhibition laid bare the scope of the abuse of public funds in the August House as well as blatant nepotism and favouritism in recruitment of staff.  The exhibition laid this at the door of the Speaker of Parliament Anita Among and the Parliamentary Commission that she heads, whose members include the Prime Minister, the Minister of Finance, the Leader of the Opposition (LoP) and a few Members of Parliament (MPs) representing both the ruling party and the opposition.

At the heart of the expose is the billions of shillings that have been spent in travel allowances, and the so-called corporate social responsibility by the Speaker, as well as the “service awards” that were passed as “personal to holder” for the former LoP Mathias Mpuuga and Commissioners Solomon Silwany, Prossy Akampurira Mbabazi, and Esther Afoyochan, all representing the ruling National Resistance Movement. Mpuuga bagged Uganda Shillings (UGX) 500 million, equivalent to 130,000 US Dollars (USD) while three Commissioners received UGX 400 million each.

The service award for the former LoP has already caused a storm in his party, the National Unity Platform, which has asked him to resign from the Commission. Other interest groups, such as the Uganda Law Society, have also weighed in, saying by participating in a meeting that passed awards which would benefit them personally, Mpuuga and the other commissioners violated the Leadership Code. 

The Speaker has refused to entertain any debate on what has been exposed by the #UgandaParliamentExhibition despite calls by a number of MPs that the institution should be held accountable in the same way it holds other government agencies to account. She remained adamant last week when new LoP Joel Ssenyonyi condemned the “deafening silence” by parliament on the issues raised on social media and the ruling party “rebel MP” Theodore Ssekikubo demanded a response to the “grave allegations” of impropriety and profligacy. “Me to answer you on hearsay, on things you have cooked on social media because I have said no to bum-shafting, I will not,” Among responded.

“Bum-shafting” was a derogatory reference to homosexuality, which is outlawed in Uganda. Under Among’s stewardship, parliament last year passed the Anti-Homosexuality Act, 2023, attracting backlash from the international community that has seen Uganda lose development funding.

Interestingly, Speaker Among had previously commended the online exhibitions. During the #UgandaHealthExhibition last year, she “urge(d) both public servants and political leaders to take feedback from the public in good faith and use it to improve further.”

President Yoweri Museveni had earlier responded to the #KampalaPotholeExhibition by directing the Ministry of Finance to release UGX 6 billion for emergency road repairs in the city. He has this time joined the Speaker to condemn the online activists. “How can you talk so much about Anita Among? (What) about those working for foreigners? We are going to expose those traitors,” Museveni said on March 23, 2024, after commissioning the Speaker’s Bukedea Teaching Hospital and College of Health Sciences in her home district. 

Clearly, online activism has moved the dial on social accountability. The government and others who have been the subject of the exhibitions may not always be responsive, but they can’t claim they haven’t heard the voice of the people.

One can argue that the traction of online social justice campaigns makes the riskier street protests unnecessary. Indeed, in a country where public demonstrations on hot button issues have been criminalised in complete disregard of the constitutional right of citizens to protest and petition the government, the alternative offered by digital platforms should be embraced.

But the digital warriors leading these campaigns still face the same risks that the street activists before them confronted – such as surveillance, online smear attacks, threats of arrests and other forms of intimidation. Accordingly, online activism should not be seen as a replacement of traditional forms of protest. As Dr. Ssentongo argued when he appeared on Robert Kabushenga’s #360Mentor X Space in April last year, it should not be an either-or-question. “Those who can organise online should and those who can organise (through) other means should (also do so),” he said.

The other issue that has been raised quite a lot especially during the #UgandaParliamentExhibition is the failure of the traditional news media (newspapers, radio, and television) to uncover the corruption in parliament.

The credibility of the journalists who cover parliament has taken a major knock, but this does not mean social media should replace mainstream media as our only sources of news as some have suggested.

In defence of the journalists who are still passionate about public affairs reporting, the gatekeeping bar for what gets to be published in the major media houses is much higher. On social media, anything goes, although to AGORA’s credit, most of the information they have released about parliament has been verified.

But it would be unrealistic to expect citizen-driven online campaigns to bring the same “discipline of verification” parliament’s Director of Communication and Public Affairs Chris Obore, a former journalist, seems to demand. Social media will always be messy. Just like democracy, some would say.

We need a multiplicity of platforms (both digital/social media as well as credible mainstream media) to provide information about what is happening in parliament and other public sectors, provide the public with platforms for debate, and hold duty bearers accountable.  

And we need sustained pressure both online and offline to continue driving the demand for accountability and meaningful change. In a democracy, what has been exposed through Uganda’s online exhibitions would have been enough to drive action and change. But in a country where leaders are openly contemptuous of public opinion, and where the public cannot count on free and fair elections to kick out those who abuse their trust, online activists and other social justice actors still have their work cut out.

About the author: Dr. Peter G. Mwesige is Chief of Party of the USAID Your Rights Activity led by CIPESA.

Robust Data Protection Standards Could Spur Regional Economic Integration

By Edrine Wanyama |

Leaders in charge of various data protection agencies and Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) who met at the East African Exchange on Data Protection held in Kampala, Uganda on March 6, 2024, recognised the need to buttress data protection by promoting the right to privacy in the region. 

The event drew representatives of government agencies and CSOs from Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda. Speaking to the importance of the Data Exchange programme, Stella Alibateese, the Director of the National Personal Data Protection Office in Uganda emphasised the need to enhance the right to privacy. 

“As we navigate these waters, we must recognise the diverse stages of development and implementation of data protection and privacy laws across our partner states in the East African Community,” she said. “Yet, within this diversity lies our strength – the unparalleled opportunity for knowledge exchange, peer learning, and collective growth.”

Dr. Chris Baryomunsi, Uganda’s Minister of ICT and National Guidance, underscored the need for collaboration in dealing with the complexities of data protection. “As a bloc, we must therefore embrace innovative solutions and continue these collaborative efforts amongst regulators, development partners, businesses, and the general public so as to achieve effective data protection and respect for privacy rights,” said Baryomunsi. “I am confident that the outcomes of this knowledge exchange will go a long way in defining a regional approach to addressing emerging threats in data protection.”

Data privacy is necessary for enhancing state relations in trade and business. This includes e-commerce, transport, movement of goods and services, efficiency of service delivery, movement of persons and labour, and information exchange for a quicker economic integration process.

While the East Africa Community (EAC) stands on four pillars (the Customs Union, the Common Market, Monetary Union and Political Federation), which are the core foundations for economic development, the Customs Union, movement of persons, movement workers and the Monetary Union involve mass collection of personal data including in trade and business and travel. 

Additionally, not all the states in the region have established strong safeguards on data protection and privacy. For instance, while Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda have specific legislation on data protection, some of the laws are criticised for failing to meet internationally accepted standards by, among others, not having clear and independent authorities to oversee and manage personal data and privacy. Another concern is that Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo are yet to enact specific laws on data protection, which puts data movement in the region at risk. 

At the regional level, the Draft EAC Legal Framework For Cyber Laws of 2008 has been largely unimplemented. Also, Rwanda is the only country within the EAC that has signed and ratified the African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection, (the Malabo Convention). As such there is no unified code or standard on data protection and privacy in the region.

Nevertheless, according to Annette Ssemuwemba, Deputy Secretary General for Customs, Trade and Monetary Affairs at the EAC, the bloc is undertaking measures to come up with a harmonised framework on data security. She said such a harmonised framework has the potential to inform data protection practices across the region with high chances of setting a common standard amongst the member states. 

Meanwhile, the existing data protection agencies in the EAC Member States face common challenges. These include limited financial resources, lack of sufficient technical and competent staff with a firm grasp of data protection and privacy issues, and receiving of complaints which are not necessarily related to the right to privacy. These challenges have undermined the potential of a transformational data privacy era in the region including in carrying out investigations into data breaches and adjudicating complaints. 

Nevertheless, the need to leverage more opportunities for data exchange were highlighted. These include through knowledge exchange, collaboration, governments’ political will, professionalisation of the technology sector, independence of the data protection agencies, ratification of the Malabo Convention, picking lessons from the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) of the European Union and the adoption of a uniform code for personal data protection in the region. Such measures could spur the protection and promotion of the right to privacy nationally, regionally, and internationally. Similarly, EAC countries without data protection should swiftly enact them to be on the same page with the rest.

Save the Date: The Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica24) September 25-27, 2024!

Announcement |

It’s time to mark your calendars for the annual Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica), the largest gathering on digital rights on the continent.  The 2024 edition will be held on September 25-27 and as in previous years will align with the commemoration of the annual International Day for Universal Access to Information (IDUAI).

FIFAfrica sets the stage for concerted efforts to advance digital rights in Africa and promote the multi-stakeholder model of Internet governance. It places internet freedom directly on the agendas of key stakeholders, including policymakers, journalists, activists, global platform operators, telecommunications companies, regulators, human rights defenders, academia, and law enforcement.

Now in its 11th year, FIFAfrica has grown to serve as a vital response to the mounting obstacles facing digital democracy in Africa, including arrests and intimidation of online users, internet disruptions, and regressive laws that stifle the potential of digital technology to catalyse socio-economic and political development on the continent. 

This year, FIFAfrica24 will serve as a key channel that informs the way ahead for digital democracy in Africa and the role that different stakeholders need to play to realise the Digital Transformation Strategy for Africa and Declaration 15 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The Declaration notes that the spread of information and communications technology and global interconnectedness has great potential to accelerate human progress, to bridge the digital divide and develop knowledge societies.

FIFAfrica offers something for everyone! Be sure to save the date and don’t miss this chance to be part of the #InternetFreedomAfrica movement dedicated to protecting and promoting internet freedom across the continent.

Stay tuned for more details and registration information! 

A Decade of Internet Freedom in Africa: Report Documents Reflections and Insights from Change Makers

CIPESA Writer |

Over the last decade, Africa’s journey to achieve internet freedom has not been without challenges. There have been significant threats to internet freedom, evidenced by the rampant state censorship through
internet shutdowns, surveillance, blocking and filtering of websites, and the widespread use of repressive laws to suppress the voices of key actors.

However, amidst all this, there is a community of actors who have dedicated efforts towards advancing digital rights in the continent with the goal of ensuring that more Africans can enjoy the full benefits of the internet.

As part of our efforts recounting the work of the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) over the years, we are pleased to share this special edition report: A Decade of Digital Rights in Africa: Reflections and Insights from 10 Change Makers, where we document reflections and insights from ten collaborators who have been instrumental in shaping Africa’s digital and Internet freedom advocacy landscape over the last ten years.

These changemakers have demonstrated change by advocating for a more free, secure, and open internet in Africa and working to ensure that no one is left behind.

Read the full report: A Decade of Digital Rights in Africa: Reflections and Insights from 10 Change Makers!

Meet the Changemakers

‘Gbenga Sesan, the Executive Director of Paradigm Initiative, is an eloquent advocate for internet freedom across the continent, leading efforts to push back against repressive laws and promoting digital
inclusion while speaking truth to power. He continues to champion the transformative power of technology for social good and to drive positive change in society.

Arthur Gwagwa is a Research Scholar at Utrecht University, Netherlands, and a long-standing advocate for digital rights and justice. His work in the philanthropic sector has been instrumental in supporting various grassroots initiatives to promote internet freedom in Africa. Similarly, his pioneering research work and thought leadership continue to inspire and transform the lives of people in Africa.

Edetaen Ojo, the Executive Director of Media Rights Agenda, is a prominent advocate for advancing media rights and internet freedom. Known for his strategic vision and dedication to media freedom, he pioneered the conceptualisation and development of the African Declaration on Internet Rights and has been a key voice in shaping Internet policy-making in Africa.

Emilar Gandhi, the Head of Stakeholder Engagement and Global Strategic Policy Initiatives at Meta, built a strong foundation in civil society as an advocate for Internet freedom. She is a prominent figure in technology policy in Africa whose expertise and dedication have made her a valuable voice for inclusivity and responsible technology development in the region.

Dr. Grace Githaiga, the CEO and Convenor of Kenya ICT Action Network (KICTANet), has been a leading
advocate for media freedom and digital rights in Africa. Her tireless advocacy in shaping internet policy has earned her recognition for her pivotal roles in championing internet freedom, digital inclusion,
multistakeholderism, and women’s rights online.

Julie Owono, the Executive Director of Internet Sans Frontières (Internet Without Borders), is a passionate and respected digital rights advocate and thought leader in the global digital community. She is not only a champion for internet freedom in Africa but is also a symbol of hope for many communities standing at the forefront of the battle for internet freedom and connectivity in Africa.

Neema Iyer, the founder of Pollicy, is well known for her advocacy efforts in bringing feminist perspectives into data and technology policy. Her dynamic and multi-faceted approach to solving social challenges exemplifies the potential of data and technology to advance social justice and promote digital inclusion and internet freedom in Africa.

Dr. Tabani Moyo, the Regional Director of the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), is a distinguished
media freedom advocate and influential leader in guiding a community of changemakers in Southern Africa. He has played an extensive and formidable role in pushing back against restrictive and repressive laws, supporting journalists under threat, empowering young Africans, and shaping internet governance policies.

Temitope Ogundipe, the Founder and Executive Director of TechSocietal, has been a champion for digital rights and inclusion in Africa. She is an advocate for women’s rights online and uses her expertise to contribute to the development of youth and address digital inequalities affecting vulnerable groups across the continent.

Wafa Ben-Hassine, the Principal Responsible Technology at Omidyar Network, is a recognised human rights defender and visionary leader dedicated to promoting human rights and responsible technological
development. Her relentless advocacy and valuable contributions to defending digital rights, civil liberties, and technology policy continue to inspire many across the continent.

Join the Report Launch Webinar:

When: January 31, 2024
Time: 14:00-16:00 (Nairobi Time)
Location: Zoom (Register here)
After registering, you will receive a confirmation email containing information about joining the webinar.

Updated: Watch the report launch webinar.

Introducing the Tech Accountability Fund and a Call for Proposals

Announcement |

The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) has partnered with Digital Action to support work on tech accountability in Sub-Saharan Africa in the run up to and during the “Year of Democracy” in 2024. This support will be channelled through the Tech Accountability Fund that will be administered under the auspices of the Africa Digital Rights Fund (ADRF).  

Numerous African countries, including the Comoros, Senegal, Mauritania, Rwanda, Mozambique, Ghana, Algeria, Botswana, Chad, Guinea Bissau, Mali, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, South Sudan and Tunisia, are headed to the polls during 2024. Electoral processes are essential to building democracy, and given growing threats to information integrity and technology use in elections, it is crucial to conduct platform accountability around electoral processes. The Fund responds to these key concerns in the Year of Democracy and to the scant  resources to African civil society entities that are working to counter tech harms. 

In 2022, Africa had around 570 million internet users, of which 384 million (67%) were social media users. These users, most of whom are the youth, are increasingly using social media applications such as WhatsApp, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Instagram and TikTok for content creation and entertainment, business, advertising and entrepreneurship, communication and connection, education and learning, civic engagement and activism. As the users increase, reports from social media companies indicate the rise of harmful, illegal or offensive content on the platforms.

In response, social media companies have employed various measures to review, screen, and filter content to ensure it meets their community guidelines or policies and does not adversely affect the user experience on the platforms. The content moderation tools and techniques applied include keyword filtering, machine learning algorithms and human review. 

Despite these efforts, the inadequacy of the measures undertaken by social media platforms and social networking sites in moderating illegal, harmful or offensive content has increasingly been questioned. In Ethiopia for instance, social media companies have been accused of not doing enough to moderate such content, which has gone on to cause real-world harm, such as fuelling killings. Starkly, platforms such as Facebook and Twitter are accused of deploying minuscule resources and measures in content moderation in Africa, relative to investments in the United States and Europe. 

Key concerns about content moderation in Africa include the limited understanding by platforms of the cultural context in the continent, the lack of cultural sensitivity, labour rights violations, bias and discrimination of algorithms, non-application of local laws, lack of transparency and accountability in content moderation, all of which have an impact on freedom of expression and civic participation.

Call for Proposals
Applications are now open for the Tech Accountability Fund as the eighth edition of the ADRF. Grant sizes will range from USD 5,000 to USD 20,000 subject to demonstrated need. Cost sharing is strongly encouraged. Funding shall be for periods between six and 12 months. 

The Fund is particularly interested in work related to but not limited to:

  • Online gender-based violence, particularly against women politicians and women journalists
  • Network disruptions
  • Content moderation
  • Microtargeting and political advertising
  • Hate speech
  • Electoral Disinformation 
  • Electoral specific harms e.g. effects on freedom of expression and citizens’ ability to make independent choices and participate in electoral processes.

The deadline for applications is February 16, 2024. Read more about the Fund Guidelines here. The application form can be accessed here

Only shortlisted applicants will be contacted directly. Feedback on unsuccessful applications will be available upon request.