Blog Archives – Page 36 of 70 – Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA)

01Jul

Eswatini Must Ensure Internet Availability At All Times

CIPESA July 1, 2021February 13, 2023

Petition |

Amidst ongoing pro-democracy protests in the southern African kingdom nation of Eswatini, the government is reported to have disrupted access to digital communications including the internet. The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) joins other human rights actors including the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Zimbabwe, IFEX and the African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX) to demand the immediate end of the internet shutdown and a restoration of internet access to all the citizens of Eswatini.

The petition is directed at the Eswatini Prime Minister, and copied to regional bodies like the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Chairperson, the African Union chairperson and the ACHPR Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information – Commissioner Jamesina King, as well as local internet service providers.

Below is the full petition.

30 June 2021

Joint Petition on the need to ensure internet availability at all times in Eswatini

We, the undersigned organisations, write to urgently appeal to you, Honourable Prime Minister, to ensure that the internet, social media platforms, and all other communication channels are open, secure, and accessible in regardless of the protests that are currently taking place in Eswatini.

Our appeal is informed by reports that in the wake of the current pro-democracy protests, the Eswatini government has reportedly ordered network providers, Eswatini Post and Telecommunications, Eswatini MTN and Eswatini Mobile, to turn off internet connectivity.

By blocking access to the internet, the Eswatini government is violating fundamental human rights of all citizens of eSwatini, including but not limited to the right to free speech and opinion, access to information and the right to assembly.

Further, internet shutdowns disrupt emergency services, cripple economies and restrict the flow of business related information and communications, including internet-based banking services and transactions.

The internet and social media platforms play a critical role in enhancing participatory governance in a democratic society through the provision of space for communicating, public debates and citizens’ right to seek and share information on how they are governed.

We also note with concern that the current Internet shutdown comes at a time when freedom of the media and that of expression have been deteriorating in Eswatini.

Research shows that internet shutdowns and violence go hand in hand. Shutting down the internet during protests only serves to heighten tensions and this is likely to be followed by more violence.

By disrupting the free flow of information, shutdowns exacerbate existing tensions, and create space to conceal potential violence and human rights violations perpetrated by both state and non-state actors.

The abhorrent, undemocratic actions of the government of the Kingdom of Eswatini are a clear violation of the ACHPR principles. The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) Resolution of 2016, recognises the “importance of the internet in advancing human and people’s rights in Africa, particularly the right to freedom of information and expression.”

The ACHPR/Res. 362 (LIX) 2016, also condemns the “emerging practice of State Parties interrupting or limiting access to telecommunication services such as the internet, social media, and messaging services.”

Additionally, UN experts and high-level officials — including the UN Secretary-General — formally affirm that “blanket Internet shutdowns and generic blocking and filtering of services are considered by United Nations human rights mechanisms to be in violation of international human rights law”.

Eswatini Post and Telecommunications, Eswatini MTN and Eswatini Mobile, have a responsibility to Eswatini citizens to keep the internet on.

Eswatini MTN, in line with the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, has the added responsibility to respect human rights, prevent or mitigate potential harms, and provide remedy for harms they cause or contribute to.

Further, the UN Guiding Principles outlines that “states should take additional steps to protect against human rights abuses by business enterprises that are owned or controlled by the State”.

Honourable Prime Minister, we thus call upon you to immediately end the internet shutdown and restore internet access to all the citizens of Eswatini.

Signed

African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX)

Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA)

IFEX

Panos Institute Southern Africa

Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA)

cc: Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Chairperson, His Excellency President Filipe J. Nyusi

cc: Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Incoming Chairperson, His Excellency Dr. Lazarus Chakwera

cc: The Executive Secretary of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), Dr Stergomena Lawrence Tax

cc: African Union Chairperson His Excellency President Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi

cc: ACHPR Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information – Commissioner Jamesina King

cc: UN Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Opinion and Expression Irene Khan

cc: Eswatini Post and Telecommunications

cc: Eswatini MTN

cc: Eswatini Mobile

30Jun

Uganda Communications Tribunal Regulations Fail to Constitute an Impartial Arbiter

CIPESA June 30, 2021February 12, 2023

By Edrine Wanyama |

Uganda is in the process of establishing the Uganda Communications Tribunal which is provided for by section 60 of the Uganda Communications Act. Among others, the tribunal will hear and determine all matters relating to communication services arising from decisions made by the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) and the minister responsible for information and communications technology.

The establishment of a Communications Tribunal has been long overdue as it was first provided for under the now repealed 1997 Communications Act. Once it comes into operation, the tribunal will provide an opportunity for separation of the policy making and regulatory organ of the communications sector from the organ that delivers justice.

The failure to establish the tribunal in a timely manner has in the past drawn criticism to the communications regulator for often failing to operate in a free, fair and independent manner. Further, the UCC has been criticised for failure to provide comprehensive and coherent information about its operations and its lack of independence from the executive branch of the government.

Moreover, UCC has been accused of overstepping its powers in ordering the suspension or revocation of operating licenses and meting out excessive penalties without providing avenues for redress for those that feel aggrieved by its actions. Increasingly, the commission has also taken steps to regulate online content including on blogs and social media, although its regulatory mandate over digital media is contested.

In this brief, CIPESA examines the regulations as proposed and whether they would provide for an effective and independent appellate body that will check the actions of the minister and the communications regulator. We also make proposals and recommendations for an effective, independent and transparent tribunal.

The long delay in establishing the tribunal has limited the ability of aggrieved citizens, the media and telecom service providers to swiftly challenge some of UCC’s and the ministry’s edicts. Once put in place the tribunal could potentially guarantee justice, and the speed of its delivery, in the communications sector. However, the effectiveness of the tribunal is dependent on independent and impartial operations that are not subject to external influence including from the appointing authorities. Hence, the recruitment of the tribunal’s members and indeed the composition of the tribunal need to be rethought to enhance the independence of its operations. Similarly, provisions in the regulations that hamper the swift and effective dispensing of justice by the tribunal need to be repealed.

See the full brief here.

28Jun

Après Une année au Pouvoir, le Président du Burundi Evariste Ndayishimiye Présente Un Bilan Mitigé en Matière de Liberté de la Presse

CIPESA June 28, 2021February 12, 2023

Par CIPESA |

Une année après son arrivée au pouvoir, Evariste Ndayishimiye présente un bilan mitigé concernant la liberté de la presse au Burundi. Ayant connu de sévères restrictions sous le règne du prédécesseur de Ndayishimiye, le défunt Pierre Nkurunziza, les professionnels des media et les activistes avaient de l’espoir qu’après sa prestation de serment, Ndayishimiye initierait des réformes positives dans le pays.

Depuis son entrée en fonction le 18 Juin 2020, Ndayishimiye a activement travaillé avec les media, ce qui conduit à la levée de certaines sanctions. Comme actions notables, soulignons la grâce présidentielle accordée à des journalistes emprisonnés, la levée de certaines sanctions contre des media en ligne à l’instar d’Iwacu et Ikiriho, et contre les radiodiffuseurs dont la BBC et Radio Sans Frontières Bonesha FM (RSF Bonesha). Il ne s’agit cependant que de réformes partielles car bien d’autres media indépendants restent sous sanction, sans oublier que la culture de l’auto censure et le harcèlement de la société civile sont toujours notables.

Bref historique de la Répression

En Mai 2015, la candidature de Nkurunziza pour un nouveau mandat à la présidence de la République a déclenché une contestation, par laquelle les partis politiques d’opposition et des organisations de la société civile protestaient contre ce qu’ils considéraient comme un troisième mandat inconstitutionnel à la tête de l’Etat. Il s’en est suivi des manifestations publiques qui ont conduit à une crise politique sanglante, plusieurs rapports faisant état de brutalités policières, de destructions physiques de stations de radio et de télévision, et d’arrestation de plusieurs journalistes. Ces évènements ont été précédés d’un ordre du gouvernement aux fournisseurs d’accès à internet (FAI) de bloquer l’accès aux plateformes de media sociaux tel que Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter et Viber.

Nkurunziza a poursuivi le processus électoral et remporté le scrutin de 2015, succès qui l’a conduit à verrouiller systématiquement l’espace public. La période qui a précédé son décès en Juin 2020, fut caractérisée par une augmentation de la répression contre des médias en ligne et hors ligne, et un harcèlement des journalistes, forçant beaucoup d’entre eux à fuir en exil.

En Juillet 2016, Jean Bigirimana, journaliste indépendant est porté disparu dans des circonstances non encore éclaircies jusqu’à présent. Des témoins anonymes affirment que Bigirimana fut enlevé par des officiels du service secret burundais. Bien que les autorités du Burundi nient toute implication dans l’enlèvement de Bigirimana, des rapports ont fait état de menaces de mort adressées ultérieurement à sa famille forçant sa femme et ses enfants à fuir en exil.

En Octobre 2017, l’accès à des sites web appartenant à des médias locaux http://www.iwacu-burundi.org, http://www.isanganiro.org, et http://www.ikiriho.org depuis le Burundi était bloqué, sauf à travers des techniques de contournement (http://www.isanganiro.org fut débloqué peu après, les deux autres demeurent bloqués en Juin 2021). La station de radio Isanganiro et l’hebdomadaire Iwacu sont restés respectivement opérationnels et en circulation. L’équipe du journal en ligne IWACU a contacté le Conseil National de la Communication (CNC) ainsi que l’Agence de Régulation et de Contrôle des Télécommunications ( ARCT), mais tous ont nié toute responsabilité, arguant que le problème serait dû à une panne technique à chercher chez le fournisseur du service internet. Afin de maintenir l’accès à ses publications en ligne, IWACU a dû mettre en place un site web alternatif ( https://iwacu.global.ssl.fastly.net/ ). Entretemps, la lettre de demande de déblocage du site web adressée par Ikiriho au CNC est restée sans réponse.

En mai 2018, le CNC a adressé des mises en garde respectivement à la Radio Isanganiro, à la Radio CCIB FM+ et à la Radio France Internationale, et a suspendu les licences de la BBC et de la Radio Voie d’Amérique (VOA) pour une période de six mois, les accusant de diffuser des informations non rigoureusement vérifiées ou des informations tendancieuses. Quelques mois plus tard, le gouvernement suspendait les activités d’Organisations Non Gouvernementales internationales, les accusant de violer le cadre général de coopération entre la République du Burundi et les organisations non gouvernementales étrangères de 2017, qui leur exige un recrutement de leur personnel en suivant des quotas ethniques.

Du point de vue législatif, Nkurunziza a décrété un nouveau code de procédure pénale le 11 May 2018, qui comprend notamment des dispositions sur l’interception de communications électroniques. Ces dernières octroient à des agences gouvernementales les pleins droits pour la saisie de communications électroniques et de données informatiques dans la conduite d’enquêtes. Ledit code fut décrété deux semaines seulement après avoir été présenté au conseil des ministres en violation de la constitution selon certains observateurs.

Entretemps, un blocage de YouTube fut signalé au Burundi par Open Observatory of Network Interference durant le mois de Décembre 2019 sans aucune explication officielle. Avant la coupure de YouTube, le Gouvernement avait suspendu les commentaires de la chaine YouTube de l’agence de presse en ligne Nawe, et interdit toute nouvelle publication sur ladite chaîne. Au départ, le site web de Nawe et son compte twitter restèrent actifs mais n’ont plus publié depuis Aout 2020. De plus, Nawe ne figure plus sur la liste des médias en ligne disposant d’une licence d’opération au Burundi.

Le début de la pandémie de Covid-19 a présenté des défis encore plus importants. En mai 2020, le Burundi a expulsé des fonctionnaires de l’Organisation Mondiale de la Santé pour avoir contesté la stratégie nationale de riposte la pandémie de Covid-19, dans un contexte de tensions pré-électorales. Alors que le pays a communiqué certaines statistiques sur la pandémie de Covid-19, le gouvernement ont été accusé de cacher les vraies données en les minimisant et de museler la société civile et les travailleurs de la santé.

Une nouvelle aube

Sous la direction du nouveau chef d’Etat Ndayishimiye, qui venait de remporter les élections avec un score de 67%, la répression s’est quelque peu atténuée. Quatre journalistes du magazine Iwacu ont été libérés de prison en Décembre 2020 par une grâce présidentielle après avoir purgé 14 mois d’une peine qui devait durer deux ans et demi pour « tentative de complicité d’atteinte à la sûreté de l’État ». Les accusations étaient relatives à la couverture de combats entre l’Armée du Burundi et une milice armée venue de la République Démocratique du Congo voisine. Avant leur libération, plusieurs organisations, dont le Comité pour la Protection de Journalistes (CPJ), avaient écrit une pétition pour démontrer que les journalistes avaient été emprisonnés injustement.

Comme autre évolution positive, le Président Ndayishimiye a tenu une session de dialogue avec les journalistes burundais en Janvier 2021, durant laquelle il a affirmé que les media sont un pilier solide pour la démocratie et le développement. Il a encouragé le régulateur des Médias (CNC) à engager rapidement un dialogue avec les organismes de presse sous sanctions afin d’explorer la voie vers leur réouverture.

Suite à cette directive du Président, le CNC invita Léandre Sikuyavuga, Rédacteur en chef chez Iwacu à une réunion le 11 Février 2021. Sikuyavuga a été informé que le CNC était en pourparlers avec les services techniques habiletés pour rétablir l’accès au site web d’Iwacu depuis le Burundi. De plus, le forum de discussion sur le site web, fermé depuis Avril 2018 a également été rouvert. Cependant, l’accès au site web d’Iwacu depuis le Burundi n’est toujours pas effectif au moment cet article est écrit.

Par ailleurs, le Président du CNC a tenu une conférence de presse en Février 2021 pour annoncer la levée de toutes les sanctions prises à l’encontre de la RSF Bonesha FM. Le radiodiffuseur est l’une des stations indépendantes détruites en 2015, et sa licence d’exploitation avait été révoquée pour une durée indéterminée en 2017. La station a repris ses émissions quatre jours après la conférence de presse. Exprimant sa joie après la levée de sanctions, Léon Masengo, Directeur de Bonesha FM a expliqué que plusieurs équipements avaient été détruits en 2015, mais que la station commencerait à émettre dans la capitale économique Bujumbura d’abord, puis couvrirait tout le pays lorsque les équipements seraient remplacés. Il a déclaré que le coût total de rénovation serait estimé à 60.000 Dollars US.

Plus récemment, le CNC a levé les sanctions contre Ikiriho et contre la BBC. Pour reprendre ses activités, il a été demandé à la BBC de refaire une demande pour l’obtention d’une nouvelle licence. De son côté, Ikiriho a immédiatement repris ses activités notamment ses publications sur son compte Twitter qui était resté inactif depuis Octobre 2018. Son site web demeure cependant inaccessible.

Néanmoins, plusieurs autres radio dont la VOA, la Radio Publique Africaine (RPA) et la Radiotélévision Renaissance restent bannies. Pour contourner l’interdiction nationale, la RPA et la Radiotélévision Renaissance, dont les journalistes sont actuellement en exil continuent à préparer et à diffuser activement les éditions quotidiennes sur leurs chaines YouTube (Radio Publique Africaine Ijwi ry’Abanyagihugu et Radio Télé Renaissance). Ces éditions quotidiennes sont très partagées par des citoyens Burundais via WhatsApp.

De surcroit, plus de 70 journalistes burundais qui ont fui la crise de 2015 vivent toujours en exil selon le journal Le Monde. De plus, l’auto censure et la répression de la société civile persistent.

Les quatre prochaines années

Afin de ramener l’espace médiatique et civique burundais au dynamisme d’avant 2015, Ndayishimiye doit s’engager à défendre la liberté des médias et de l’internet en levant sans condition les interdictions imposées à tous les organes de presse, notamment en amnistiant tous les journalistes qui vivent actuellement en exil. Les réformes des pratiques doivent s’accompagner de réformes en matière de politiques, notamment par la modification des lois qui accordent des pouvoirs abusifs aux autorités leur permettant de mener des activités de surveillance et de censure injustifiées. Ndayishimye devrait également rompre avec l’habitude de coupure d’accès à l’Internet et aux médias sociaux.

22Jun

One Year into his Reign, Burundi’s President Evariste Ndayishimiye has a Mixed Media Freedom Record

CIPESA June 22, 2021February 12, 2023

By CIPESA Writer |

A year into his presidency, Evariste Ndayishimiye has posted a mixed scorecard for media freedom in Burundi. Having experienced harsh restrictions under Ndayishimiye’s predecessor, the late Pierre Nkurunziza, there was optimism among media practitioners and activists that once sworn in, Ndayishimiye would usher in progressive reforms in the country.

Since taking office on June 18, 2020, Ndayishimiye has actively engaged the media, leading to the lifting of some sanctions. Notable actions have seen the pardon of jailed journalists, lifting of bans against online publishers such as Iwacu, Isanganiro and Ikirihoo as well as broadcasters including the BBC and Radio Sans Frontières Bonesha (RSF Bonesha). However, these have only been partial reliefs as many independent media houses remain banned, while the culture of self-censorship and civil society oppression prevails.

A History of Repression

In May 2015, Nkurunziza’s bid for a new term in office triggered contestation, with opposition parties and civil society organisations protesting against what they considered an unconstitutional third term in office. The ensuing public demonstrations led to a deadly political crisis, with widespread reports of police brutality, physical destruction of radio and televisions stations, and the arrest of several journalists. The events were preceded by a government order to Internet Service Providers (ISPs) to block access to social media platforms such as Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter, and Viber.

Nkurunziza eventually had his way and won the 2015 elections, after which he set upon systematically shrinking civic space. The period until his death in June 2020 saw an escalation in the crackdown on independent media and journalists, both offline and online, forcing many to flee to exile.

In July 2016, Jean Bigirimana, an independent online journalist, went missing and his whereabouts remain unknown. Witness testimonies allege that Bigirimana was abducted by officials of Burundi’s national intelligence services. Although authorities have denied any involvement in Bigirimina’s abduction, further reports indicate that his family received death threats, forcing his wife and children to flee into exile.

As of October 2017, access to the websites of independent local news publishers http://www.iwacu-burundi.org, http://www.isanganiro.org, and http://www.ikiriho.org was blocked from within Burundi except through use of circumvention methods. Isanganiro’s radio station and Iwacu’s weekly print newspaper remained operational and in circulation, respectively. The management of Iwacu contacted the National Communication Council (CNC) as well as the telecommunication regulatory authority regarding the website blockage, but the authorities denied responsibility, arguing that it could be a technical issue at the Internet Service Provider level. In order to keep its services accessible, Iwacu set up an alternative website (https://iwacu.global.ssl.fastly.net/). Meanwhile, a letter from Ikiriho to the CNC requesting for its website to be unblocked went unanswered.

In May 2018, the CNC issued warnings to Radio Isanganiro, Radio CCIB FM+, and Radio France Internationale, and suspended the licenses of the BBC and Voice of America (VOA) for six months on allegations of not verifying sources and broadcasting unbalanced news. Months later in October 2018, the government suspended the operations of international non-governmental organisations, accusing them of violating the 2017 General Framework for Cooperation between the Republic of Burundi and Foreign NGOs, which requires recruitment of national staff by ethnic quotas.

On the legislative front, on May 11, 2018, Nkurunziza assented to a new interception of communications law, with sweeping powers granted to government agencies carrying out investigations to intercept electronic communications and seize computer data. The law was passed within two weeks of first being tabled – in contravention of the constitution.

Meanwhile, YouTube block in Burundi was documented by the Open Observatory of Network Interference during December 2019 without official explanation. Leading up to the alleged restriction on YouTube, the Burundian government suspended the comments section on the YouTube channel of Nawe, an independent media outlet, and prohibited new channel uploads. Initially, Nawe’s website and Twitter remained active but both have been inactive since August 2020. Moreover, Nawe is no longer listed among CNC’s licensed online media houses.

The onset of the Covid-19 pandemic presented even bigger challenges. In May 2020, Burundi expelled officials of the World Health Organisation for challenging the country’s Covid-19 response, amidst a looming election. Whereas the country reported some Covid-19 statistics, there was criticism of under-reporting and gagging of civil society and health workers.

A New Dawn

Under the new head of state Ndayishimiye, who won the 2020 polls by 67%, the repression has eased somewhat. Four Iwacu journalists were released from prison in December 2020 by way of a presidential pardon after serving 14 months of a two-and-a-half year jail sentence for “complicity in undermining state safety.” The charges related to coverage of clashes between the Burundian army and militia from neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo. Prior to their release, various organisations, including the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), had petitioned Ndayishimiye, arguing that the four journalists’ conviction was unjust.

In another positive development, Ndayishimiye held a dialogue with Burundi journalists in January 2021, during which he said that the media are a strong pillar for democracy and development and urged the country’s media regulatory body CNC to urgently engage with media houses that were banned or sanctioned to explore possible reopening.

Following the president’s directive, the CNC invited Léandre Sikuyavuga, Editor-in-Chief of Iwacu, for a meeting on February 11, 2021. Sikuyavuga was informed that the CNC was in talks with the relevant technical service providers to reinstate access to the Iwacu website in Burundi. The ban on the discussion forum of the website, which was imposed back in April 2018, was also revoked. However, at the time of writing, Iwacu remains inaccessible within Burundi.

Also in February, the President of the CNC held a press conference during which he announced the end of all restrictions against RSF Bonesha FM. The broadcaster was one of the independent radio stations destroyed in 2015 and its operating license was indefinitely revoked in 2017. Within four days of the press conference, the station resumed broadcasting. While expressing his joy at the lifting of the sanctions, Leon Masengo, the Director of Bonesha FM, said a lot of their equipment was destroyed in 2015, but the station would start airing in the capital Bujumbura initially and later countrywide once the necessary equipment was replaced. The estimated cost of replacing the damaged equipment was USD 60,000.

More recently, on June 16, 2021, the CNC lifted the ban on Ikiriho and the BBC. In order to resume operations, the BBC is required to apply for a new license. For its part, Ikiriho immediately resumed operations including posts via its Twitter account which had been dormant since October 2018. However, its website remains inaccessible.

Nonetheless, many other broadcasters including VOA, Radio Publique Africaine (RPA), and Radio Télévision Renaissance remain off air. In order to overcome the national ban, RPA and Radio Télévision Renaissance, whose journalists live in exile, maintain active Youtube channels (Radio Publique Africaine Ijwi ry’Abanyagihugu and Tele Renaissance), whose daily news editions are widely circulated among Burundians via Whatsapp.

Further, more than 70 journalists who fled the country during the 2015 crisis for fear of their lives are still living in exile as reported by the Le Monde. Meanwhile, self-censorship and civil society repression persists.

The Next Four Years

In order to rejuvenate the media landscape and civic space to its dynamism prior to 2015, Ndayishimiye must show commitment to uphold media and internet freedom by unconditionally lifting bans on all media houses, including granting amnesty to all journalists currently living in exile. The practice reforms should be matched with policy reforms including amendments to laws that grant undue powers to authorities to conduct unwarranted surveillance and censorship. Ndayishimye should also desist from interrupting access to the internet and social media.

22Jun

Data Protection Law on the Horizon in Malawi

CIPESA June 22, 2021February 13, 2023

By Jimmy Kainja |

Three years after announcing plans to draft a bill on data protection in response to the changing media and technological landscape, the government of Malawi issued a call for public comments on the Data Protection and Privacy Bill, 2021. The proposed legislation is a welcome step in addressing policy and practice gaps in privacy and data protection in the southern African country.

According to the Ministry of Information, with increased digitalisation, personal data collection, processing and storage by public and private sector institutions is on the rise, which warrants greater protection through a dedicated law. As such, the draft bill seeks to “provide a comprehensive legislative framework for the protection and security of personal data, consolidate data protection provisions currently found in various Acts of Parliament, and protect the privacy of individuals without hampering social and economic development in Malawi.”

Section 21 of Malawi’s Constitution provides that every person shall have the right to personal privacy, which shall include the right not to be subject to (a) searches of his or her person, home or property; (b) the seizure of private possessions; or (c) interference with private communications, including mail and all forms of telecommunications. The bill aims to actualise the constitutional provisions and would apply to “processing of personal data wholly or partly by automated means”.

Under clause 5, exemptions apply to the processing of personal data “to the extent it is carried out by one or more individuals solely for personal, recreational or household purposes.” Further, exceptions apply to the processing of personal data carried out by unspecified “competent authorities” for purposes of law enforcement, promotion of public health or prevention or control of an epidemic, national security and credit reference bureau business. Without a clear definition of what constitutes legitimate purposes under the various exemptions, data subjects may be subject to violation of privacy.

On a positive note, under Part III, the bill sets out various principles governing processing of personal data. Among these are fairness and transparency; prohibition of processing of sensitive personal data; obtaining consent prior to processing the data of a minor (below 18 years); burden of proof for establishing consent being borne by the data controller; provision of all the necessary information to the data subject prior to data collection; collection based on legitimate purpose, minimisation, limited retention and accuracy; and conduct of a data protection impact assessment prior to processing.

The rights of a data subject outlined under Part IV include correction and deletion, withdrawal of consent, objection to procession, refusal of automated decision making, and data portability. Under data portability, the bill provides for cross-border data transfers, with clause 34 stipulating that data transfers to another country or international organisation are restricted to a recipient “subject to a law, binding corporate rules, contractual clauses, code of conduct or certification mechanism that affords an adequate level of protection”.

According to clause 35, protection is deemed adequate “if it upholds principles that are substantially similar to the conditions for processing of the personal data” provided for under the Malawian bill. Among others, adequacy of protection takes into account the availability of enforceable data subject rights; the ability of data subjects to enforce their rights through administrative or judicial redress, and the rule of law generally; the existence of an effective data protection law; the existence and functioning of an independent, competent data protection or similar supervisory authority with adequate enforcement powers; and international commitments and conventions binding on the relevant country or international organisation and its membership of any multilateral or regional organisations.

In the absence of adequate protections, cross-border data transfers may only happen if the data subject is informed of the possible risks and consents, if the transfer is necessary for the performance of a contract, or if the transfer is for the benefit of the data subject.

The penalty for failure to comply with the provisions of the bill or enforcement orders are a fine of 5,000,000 Kwacha (USD 6,200 ) and imprisonment for two years (clause 42). Meanwhile, the penalty for an offence in contravention of regulations issued pursuant to the bill is also a fine of 5,000,000 Kwacha (USD 6,200) and imprisonment for up to five years.

The bill empowers the country’s telecommunications regulator, the Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority (MACRA), to oversee the implementation of the data protection law. However, MACRA’s proposed mandate raises concerns about autonomy, given that the Authority is reportedly subject to political interference. Also, MACRA has a history of failing to implement aspects of its core mandate, such as evidenced by telecommunications operator compliance with universal service provision obligations.

Another cause for concern is the National Registration and Identification System (NRIS), which is being used for biometric data collection and its processing has been centralised in Malawi since 2017. The NRIS is linked to voter registration, revenue collection, immigration, SIM card registration, banking, as well as financial inclusion and development programmes. This has made it ever more crucial to have strong regulations to protect personal data privacy. Starting March 2021, the system has been used to support the Covid-19 vaccine rollout. The NRIS has been described as having been rolled out at “breakneck speed”, without due regard for human rights. This has been largely attributed to primary focus on social-economic issues, as opposed to digital rights.

The move to enact a data protection law in Malawi, in consultation with the public and stakeholders, is commendable. However, certain provisions such as those relating to exemptions have the potential to undermine privacy and should be revised. Revisions to the bill should also take into account penalties commiserate with offences, and provide for establishment of a truly independent oversight body.

It is also hoped that the data protection bill is passed swiftly and not take decades in the pipeline as was the case with the Access to Information law, whose proposals were first tabled in 1999, only to be passed in 2016, enacted in 2017 and operationalised in 2020.

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