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08Jul

New Cyber Law Impedes Civil Liberties in Increasingly Repressive Zambia

Author CIPESA Posted on

By CIPESA Writer |

Zambia is increasingly repressing the exercise of civic rights, a trend that is growing as the country heads to general elections in August 2021. Human rights defenders are equally worried that state agencies could apply the recently enacted Cyber Security and Cyber Crimes Act 2021 to further undermine the digital civic space.

President Edgar Lungu, who has been in power since 2015, is standing for re-election in the August 12 elections. In the last five years of his reign, freedom of expression and peaceful assembly have come under increasing attack, with opposition leaders and activists jailed, and independent media outlets shut down, according to an Amnesty International Report.

The government denies these accusations, claiming the country has a vibrant civil society, a thriving independent media, and an impartial judiciary that protects civil liberties. However, independent analysts dismiss the government’s claims, pointing out that there has been “a creation of a fear society through the demonising of civil society and political opposition, the punishing of dissent, and weaponising the law and applying it selectively against anyone critical of the state.”

The repression in the southern African country has been witnessed both offline and online. Freedom House ranked the country’s state of internet freedom in 2020 as “partly free”, citing network restrictions, arrest of pro-government commentators and online users. And with the recent enactment of the cyber crimes law, worries are growing that the government could employ it as yet another weapon to silence dissenters and critics. Crucially, the new law falls short on protecting individual rights to privacy, anonymity, and freedom of expression online.

Notably, the law was passed amidst criticism that it was primarily aimed at policing cyber space and gagging freedom of expression and speech of government critics and opponents ahead of the August 12, 2021 general election. The government passed the law after rejecting concerns raised by civil society about its regressive provisions.

According to the Bloggers of Zambia, during 2020 seven people were arrested under the Criminal Procedure Code for purportedly defaming the president through posts on social media. Meanwhile, a 2020 report by Citizen Lab, a global digital rights watchdog, identified Zambia as a possible customer of cyber espionage software. This was the second time that Zambia, alongside other African governments, was featured in the report that unmasks clients of surveillance software. The country has also embarked on a Safe City Project that is mounting 24-hour surveillance cameras in public places and on the main road networks, despite its lack of an operational data protection law and regulations to govern the use of such video surveillance.

According to CIPESA’s analysis of the law, while cyber security is critical in the highly evolving technological era, it is important that a rights-based approach is employed in the development of policies and laws to ensure that the adopted laws and policies do not wantonly limit individual rights and freedoms. The Cyber Security and Cyber Crimes Act, 2021 in its current state offers some solutions to emerging challenges in the digital space but has wide negative impacts on the protection, promotion and enjoyment of digital rights and freedoms.

Under international human rights law, the rights to privacy, freedom of expression and information may only be restricted if prescribed by law, in pursuit of a legitimate aim, and if the restrictions are necessary and proportionate in pursuance of a legitimate aim. Many provisions in the Zambian law are vague and overly broad, and in contravention of the principle of legality. The law extends the powers of state authorities to restrict and punish online expression, and gives law enforcement agents leverage to conduct unsupervised surveillance without judicial oversight.

Indeed, the CIPESA analysis shows that Zambia’ cyber law falls short of the established regional and international human rights standards on the right to privacy as laid down in the African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection, Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) Declaration on Principles of Freedom of Expression and Access to Information. 

Accordingly, the Zambian parliament should consider repealing or amending the regressive provisions to ensure the protection of digital rights and freedoms. Short of this, the new law could only serve the purpose of handing enemies of democracy yet another weapon for silencing the legitimate expression of critics, political opponents, and ordinary citizens.

See here CIPESA’s full review of the ramifications of Zambia’s Cyber Security and Cyber Crimes Act 2021.

01Jul

Uganda Abandons Social Media Tax But Slaps New Levy on Internet Data

Author CIPESA Posted on

By Daniel Mwesigwa |

Uganda has ditched the Over-The-Top (OTT) tax that it introduced three years ago on the use of social media services after the tax failed to raise revenues and constrained internet usage. But appearing to not have learnt any lessons, the country has instead introduced a 12% tax on internet data.

Introduced on July 1, 2018, the infamous OTT tax, widely known as ‘social media tax’, required Ugandans to pay a daily levy of Uganda Shillings (UGX) 200 (USD 0.05) in order to access over 50 platforms including Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp. President Yoweri Museveni directed the introduction of the social media tax as a ‘sin tax’ to punish social media users in Uganda for the consequences of their “opinions, prejudices [and] insults” and as a means to raise government revenues. 

From inception, sections of civil society and the public saw the tax as an attempt to stifle free speech and access to information – and they warned that the tax would have disastrous effects on the country’s fledgling digital economy and digital civic space. These fears were not unfounded, as Uganda is a notable digital rights predator that has ordered social media blockages and internet shutdowns, besides harassing some social media users that are critical of the government.

Predictions that the social media tax would harm internet use and fail to generate the envisaged revenues indeed came true. At the time the government filed proposals to introduce the OTT tax, the Ministry of Finance projected that up to UGX 486 billion (USD 131 million) could be collected annually by 2022. However, by the end of July 2018, the projections had been revised downwards to UGX 284 billion (USD 78 million) annually. In July 2019, one year after the introduction of the tax, the revenue body reported that it had experienced an annual shortfall of 83%, having collected only UGX 49.5 billion (USD 13.5 million). In the second year, the social media tax fetched a paltry USD 16.3 million. 

Now, beginning July 1, 2021, the government has replaced the OTT tax with a direct 12% levy on the net price of internet data, after which a value added tax (VAT) of 18% will apply. 

According to a social media notice by Roke Telkom, an internet service provider, the charges for a basic 60GB monthly bundle will increase by an extra USD 1.5 per month with the new levy compared to what the same bundle cost when the OTT tax was being levied. In other words, this will cost an additional USD 18 per year compared to what the same bundle cost when the OTT tax was being levied.

Within the first year of the social media tax, Uganda lost five million internet subscriptions due to the negative effects of the tax. Although the tax was envisioned as small and manageable, it did not meet the fairness and proportionality requirements: for a country whose average phone subscriber spends just UGX 10,500 (about USD 2.8) per month on all their voice calls, data, SMS, and access taxes, according to Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) figures, a monthly social media tax of USD 1.5 alone consumes up to 54% of their telecommunication services spend. 

Moreover, in 2018, the Alliance for Affordable Internet (A4AI) showed that the social media tax was likely going to push basic connectivity out of reach for many including the underemployed and unemployed youth who make up over 78% of the population. Additionally, A4AI explained that this tax would increase the lowest income group’s access to the internet by 10%, resulting in just 1GB of data costing them nearly 40% of their average monthly income. 

In the 2020 Affordability Report, Uganda’s data costs are higher than the African average, with 1 GB of data costing up to 8.07% of an average Ugandan’s monthly income compared to Sub-Saharan Africa’s average of 3.1%. According to a 2018 nation-wide survey by the National Information Technology Authority of Uganda (NITA-U), 76.6% of respondents named high cost as the main reason why their use of the internet was limited.

Based on problematic assumptions and projections?

The tax was clearly based on wrong assumptions, and the signs were ominous from early on. In January 2019, the then Minister of ICT, Frank Tumwebaze, reportedly said his ministry could have been misguided by the finance ministry in introducing the social media tax and he promised an impact assessment to gauge potential policy re-alignments. A year later in January 2020, the then revenue body’s Commissioner General, Doris Akol, decried social media tax avoidance through the use of Virtual Private Networks (VPN). She called for the tax to be repealed and replaced with a direct levy on internet data. 

Indeed, since the social media shutdown during Uganda’s 2016 general elections, the use of VPN apps has been growing. These have helped users to avoid paying the OTT tax and to sidestep further internet shutdowns, such as the recent disruption during the 2021 election and the suspension of Facebook access in Uganda, which is in the fifth month now.

According to UCC, as of December 2020, there are 21.4 million active internet subscriptions – translating into a little more than one active connection for every two Ugandans – but the number of subscribers  who paid the OTT tax at least once during that month was 13.7 million. For most months in the lifetime of the tax, the number of OTT taxpayers remained under 10 million. At the time Uganda introduced the tax, the internet penetration rate stood at 47.4% (18.5 million internet subscriptions), meaning in three years, the country has added under three million subscriptions and the penetration rate has risen marginally. 

The new 12% levy comes when Uganda is in the middle of a second wave of Covid-19, which saw the government recently instituting a 42-day lockdown that prohibits all public gatherings, inter-district travel, and public transport. This has rendered digital technologies indispensable to working, learning, public participation, and livelihoods, yet Uganda’s new tax will adversely affect internet access and citizens’ access to information – perhaps more than the now repealed social media tax. 

Having recently secured a USD 200 million loan from the World Bank to support “access [to] high-quality and low-cost internet, public services online, a digital economy driving growth, innovation and job creation,” Uganda’s new tax seems inconsistent to the larger national visions of digital transformation, including the National Broadband Policy (2018-2023) and the Digital Vision 2040.

But Uganda is not alone on this worrying path. Following the Covid-19 disruptions to domestic economies marked by weakening tax bases, various countries in the region have turned to, or are considering, some form of digital tax as one of the new revenue streams. For example, Zambia and Nigeria have considered plans of imposing direct taxes on OTT services but have withdrawn following backlash. Botswana has indicated it is exploring a digital tax due to a decrease in tax revenue and in 2020, Mauritius introduced a 15% VAT on digital services provided by non-resident companies.

01Jul

Eswatini Must Ensure Internet Availability At All Times

Author CIPESA Posted on

Petition |

Amidst ongoing pro-democracy protests in the southern African kingdom nation of Eswatini, the government is reported to have disrupted access to digital communications including the internet. The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA)  joins other human rights actors including the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Zimbabwe, IFEX and the African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX) to demand the immediate end of the internet shutdown and a restoration of internet access to all the citizens of Eswatini.

The petition is directed at the Eswatini Prime Minister, and copied to regional bodies like the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Chairperson, the African Union chairperson and the ACHPR Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information –    Commissioner Jamesina King, as well as local internet service providers.

 Below is the full petition.

  

                                                                                                                                       30 June 2021

Joint Petition on the need to ensure internet availability at all times in Eswatini 

We, the undersigned organisations, write to urgently appeal to you, Honourable Prime Minister, to ensure that the internet, social media platforms, and all other communication channels are open, secure, and accessible in regardless of the protests that are currently taking place in Eswatini.

Our appeal is informed by reports that in the wake of the current pro-democracy protests, the Eswatini government has reportedly ordered network providers, Eswatini Post and Telecommunications, Eswatini MTN and Eswatini Mobile, to turn off internet connectivity.

By blocking access to the internet, the Eswatini government is violating fundamental  human rights of all citizens of eSwatini, including but not limited to the right to free speech and opinion, access to information and the right to assembly.

Further, internet shutdowns disrupt emergency services, cripple economies and restrict the flow of business related information and communications, including internet-based banking services and transactions. 

The internet and social media platforms play a critical role in enhancing participatory governance in a democratic society through the provision of space for communicating, public debates and citizens’ right to seek and share information on how they are governed.

We also note with concern that the current Internet shutdown comes at a time when freedom of the media and that of expression have been deteriorating in Eswatini. 

Research shows that internet shutdowns and violence go hand in hand. Shutting down the internet during protests only serves to heighten tensions and this is likely to be followed by more violence.

By disrupting the free flow of information, shutdowns exacerbate existing tensions, and create space to conceal potential violence and human rights violations perpetrated by both state and non-state actors. 

The abhorrent, undemocratic  actions of the government of the Kingdom of Eswatini are a clear violation of the ACHPR principles. The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) Resolution of 2016, recognises the “importance of the internet in advancing human and people’s rights in Africa, particularly the right to freedom of information and expression.” 

The ACHPR/Res. 362 (LIX) 2016, also condemns the “emerging practice of State Parties interrupting or limiting access to telecommunication services such as the internet, social media, and messaging services.” 

Additionally, UN experts and high-level officials — including the UN Secretary-General — formally affirm that “blanket Internet shutdowns and generic blocking and filtering of services are considered by United Nations human rights mechanisms to be in violation of international human rights law”.

Eswatini Post and Telecommunications, Eswatini MTN and Eswatini Mobile, have a responsibility to Eswatini citizens to keep the internet on. 

Eswatini MTN,  in line with the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, has the added responsibility  to respect human rights, prevent or mitigate potential harms, and provide remedy for harms they cause or contribute to. 

Further, the UN Guiding Principles outlines that “states should take additional steps to protect against human rights abuses by business enterprises that are owned or controlled by the State”.

Honourable Prime Minister, we thus call upon you to immediately end the internet shutdown and restore internet access to all the citizens of Eswatini.

Signed

African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX)

Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA)

IFEX

Panos Institute Southern Africa 

Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) 

cc: Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Chairperson, His Excellency President Filipe J. Nyusi

cc: Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Incoming Chairperson, His Excellency Dr. Lazarus Chakwera

cc: The Executive Secretary of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), Dr Stergomena Lawrence Tax

cc: African Union Chairperson His Excellency President Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi

cc: ACHPR Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information –    Commissioner Jamesina King  

cc:  UN Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Opinion and Expression Irene Khan 

cc: Eswatini Post and Telecommunications

cc: Eswatini MTN 

cc: Eswatini Mobile

30Jun

Uganda Communications Tribunal Regulations Fail to Constitute an Impartial Arbiter

Author CIPESA Posted on

By Edrine Wanyama |

Uganda is in the process of establishing the Uganda Communications Tribunal which is provided for by section 60 of the Uganda Communications Act. Among others, the tribunal will hear and determine all matters relating to communication services arising from decisions made by the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) and the minister responsible for information and communications technology. 

The establishment of a Communications Tribunal has been long overdue as it was first provided for under the now repealed 1997 Communications Act. Once it comes into operation, the tribunal will provide an opportunity for separation of the policy making and regulatory organ of the communications sector from the organ that delivers justice.

The failure to establish the tribunal in a timely manner has in the past drawn criticism to the communications regulator for often failing to operate in a free, fair and independent manner. Further, the UCC has been criticised for failure to provide comprehensive and coherent information about its operations and its lack of independence from the executive branch of the government.

Moreover, UCC has been accused of overstepping its powers in ordering the suspension or revocation of operating licenses and meting out excessive penalties without providing avenues for redress for those that feel aggrieved by its actions. Increasingly, the commission has also taken steps to regulate online content including on blogs and social media, although its regulatory mandate over digital media is contested.

In this brief, CIPESA examines the regulations as proposed and whether they would provide for an effective and independent appellate body that will check the actions of the minister and the communications regulator. We also make proposals and recommendations for an effective, independent and transparent tribunal.

The long delay in establishing the tribunal has limited the ability of aggrieved citizens, the media and telecom service providers to swiftly challenge some of UCC’s and the ministry’s edicts. Once put in place the tribunal could potentially guarantee justice, and the speed of its delivery, in the communications sector. However, the effectiveness of the tribunal is dependent on independent and impartial operations that are not subject to external influence including from the appointing authorities. Hence, the recruitment of the tribunal’s members and indeed the composition of the tribunal need to be rethought to enhance the independence of its operations. Similarly, provisions in the regulations that hamper the swift and effective dispensing of justice by the tribunal need to be repealed.

See the full brief here.

28Jun

Après Une année au Pouvoir, le Président du Burundi Evariste Ndayishimiye Présente Un Bilan Mitigé en Matière de Liberté de la Presse

Author CIPESA Posted on

Par CIPESA |

Une année après son arrivée au pouvoir, Evariste Ndayishimiye présente un bilan mitigé concernant la liberté de la presse au Burundi. Ayant connu de sévères restrictions sous le règne du prédécesseur de Ndayishimiye, le défunt Pierre Nkurunziza, les professionnels des media et les activistes avaient de l’espoir qu’après sa prestation de serment, Ndayishimiye initierait des réformes positives dans le pays.

Depuis son entrée en fonction le 18 Juin 2020, Ndayishimiye a activement travaillé avec les media, ce qui conduit à la levée de certaines sanctions. Comme actions notables, soulignons la grâce présidentielle accordée à des journalistes emprisonnés, la levée de certaines sanctions contre des media en ligne à l’instar d’Iwacu et Ikiriho, et contre les radiodiffuseurs dont la BBC et Radio Sans Frontières Bonesha FM (RSF Bonesha). Il ne s’agit cependant que de réformes partielles car bien d’autres media indépendants restent sous sanction, sans oublier que la culture de l’auto censure et le harcèlement de la société civile sont toujours notables.

 Bref historique de la Répression

En Mai 2015, la candidature de Nkurunziza pour un nouveau mandat à la présidence de la République a déclenché une contestation, par laquelle les partis politiques d’opposition et des organisations de la société civile protestaient contre ce qu’ils considéraient comme un troisième mandat inconstitutionnel à la tête de l’Etat. Il s’en est suivi des manifestations publiques qui ont conduit à une crise politique sanglante, plusieurs rapports faisant état de brutalités policières, de destructions physiques de stations de radio et de télévision, et d’arrestation de plusieurs journalistes. Ces évènements ont été précédés d’un ordre du gouvernement aux fournisseurs d’accès à internet (FAI) de bloquer l’accès aux plateformes de media sociaux tel que Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter et Viber.

Nkurunziza a poursuivi le processus électoral et remporté le scrutin de 2015, succès qui l’a conduit à verrouiller systématiquement l’espace public. La période qui a précédé son décès en Juin 2020, fut caractérisée par une augmentation de la répression contre des médias en ligne et hors ligne, et un harcèlement des journalistes, forçant beaucoup d’entre eux à fuir en exil.

En Juillet 2016, Jean Bigirimana, journaliste indépendant est porté disparu dans des circonstances non encore éclaircies jusqu’à présent. Des témoins anonymes affirment que Bigirimana fut enlevé par des officiels du service secret burundais. Bien que les autorités du Burundi nient toute implication dans l’enlèvement de Bigirimana, des rapports ont fait état de menaces de mort adressées ultérieurement à sa famille forçant sa femme et ses enfants à fuir en exil.

En Octobre 2017, l’accès à des sites web appartenant à des médias locaux   http://www.iwacu-burundi.org, http://www.isanganiro.org, et http://www.ikiriho.org depuis le Burundi était bloqué, sauf  à travers des techniques de contournement (http://www.isanganiro.org fut débloqué peu après, les deux autres demeurent bloqués en Juin 2021). La station de radio Isanganiro et l’hebdomadaire Iwacu sont restés respectivement opérationnels et en circulation. L’équipe du journal en ligne IWACU a contacté le Conseil National de la Communication (CNC) ainsi que l’Agence de Régulation et de Contrôle des Télécommunications ( ARCT), mais tous ont nié toute responsabilité, arguant que le problème serait dû à une panne technique à chercher chez le fournisseur du service internet.  Afin de maintenir l’accès à ses publications en ligne, IWACU a dû mettre en place un site web alternatif ( https://iwacu.global.ssl.fastly.net/ ). Entretemps, la lettre de demande de déblocage du site web adressée par Ikiriho au CNC est restée sans réponse.

En mai 2018, le CNC a adressé des mises en garde respectivement à la Radio Isanganiro, à la Radio CCIB FM+ et à la Radio France Internationale, et a suspendu les licences de la BBC et de la Radio Voie d’Amérique (VOA) pour une période de six mois, les accusant de diffuser des informations non rigoureusement vérifiées ou des informations tendancieuses. Quelques mois plus tard, le gouvernement  suspendait les activités d’Organisations Non Gouvernementales internationales, les accusant de violer le cadre général de coopération entre la République du Burundi et les organisations non gouvernementales étrangères de 2017, qui leur exige un recrutement de leur personnel en suivant des quotas ethniques.

Du point de vue législatif, Nkurunziza a décrété un nouveau code de procédure pénale le 11 May 2018, qui comprend notamment des dispositions sur l’interception de communications électroniques. Ces dernières octroient à des agences gouvernementales les pleins droits pour la saisie de communications électroniques et de données informatiques dans la conduite d’enquêtes. Ledit code fut décrété deux semaines seulement après avoir été présenté au conseil des ministres en violation de la constitution selon certains observateurs.

Entretemps, un blocage de YouTube fut signalé au Burundi par Open Observatory of Network Interference durant le mois de Décembre 2019 sans aucune explication officielle. Avant la coupure de YouTube, le Gouvernement avait suspendu les commentaires de la chaine YouTube de l’agence de presse en ligne Nawe, et interdit toute nouvelle publication sur ladite chaîne. Au départ, le site web de Nawe et son compte twitter restèrent actifs mais n’ont plus publié depuis Aout 2020. De plus, Nawe ne figure plus sur la liste des médias en ligne disposant d’une licence d’opération au Burundi.

Le début de la pandémie de Covid-19 a présenté des défis encore plus importants. En mai 2020, le Burundi a expulsé des fonctionnaires de l’Organisation Mondiale de la Santé pour avoir contesté la stratégie nationale de riposte la pandémie de Covid-19, dans un contexte de tensions pré-électorales. Alors que le pays a communiqué certaines statistiques sur la pandémie de Covid-19, le gouvernement ont été accusé de cacher les vraies données en les minimisant et de museler la société civile et les travailleurs de la santé.

Une nouvelle aube

Sous la direction du nouveau chef d’Etat Ndayishimiye, qui venait de remporter les élections avec un score de 67%, la répression s’est quelque peu atténuée. Quatre journalistes du magazine Iwacu ont été libérés de prison en Décembre 2020 par une grâce présidentielle après  avoir purgé 14 mois d’une peine qui devait durer deux ans et demi pour « tentative de complicité d’atteinte à la sûreté de l’État ». Les accusations étaient relatives à la couverture de combats entre l’Armée du Burundi et une milice armée venue de la République Démocratique du Congo voisine. Avant leur libération, plusieurs organisations, dont le Comité pour la Protection de Journalistes (CPJ), avaient écrit une pétition pour démontrer que les journalistes avaient été emprisonnés injustement.

Comme autre évolution positive, le Président Ndayishimiye a tenu une session de dialogue avec les journalistes burundais en Janvier 2021, durant laquelle il a affirmé que les media sont un pilier solide pour la démocratie et le développement. Il a encouragé le régulateur des Médias (CNC) à engager rapidement un dialogue avec les organismes de presse sous sanctions afin d’explorer la voie vers leur réouverture.

Suite à cette directive du Président, le CNC invita Léandre Sikuyavuga, Rédacteur en chef chez Iwacu à une réunion le 11 Février 2021. Sikuyavuga a été informé que le CNC était en pourparlers avec les services techniques habiletés pour rétablir l’accès au site web d’Iwacu depuis le Burundi. De plus, le forum de discussion sur le site web, fermé depuis Avril 2018 a également été rouvert. Cependant, l’accès au site web d’Iwacu depuis le Burundi n’est toujours pas effectif au moment cet article est écrit.

Par ailleurs, le Président du CNC a tenu une conférence de presse en Février 2021 pour annoncer la levée de toutes les sanctions prises à l’encontre de la RSF Bonesha FM. Le radiodiffuseur est l’une des stations indépendantes détruites en 2015, et sa licence d’exploitation avait été révoquée pour une durée indéterminée en 2017. La station a repris ses émissions quatre jours après la conférence de presse. Exprimant sa joie après la levée de sanctions, Léon Masengo, Directeur de Bonesha FM a expliqué que plusieurs équipements avaient été détruits en 2015, mais que la station commencerait à émettre dans la capitale économique Bujumbura d’abord, puis couvrirait tout le pays lorsque les équipements seraient remplacés. Il a déclaré que le coût total de rénovation serait estimé à 60.000 Dollars US.

Plus récemment, le CNC a levé les sanctions contre Ikiriho et contre la BBC. Pour reprendre ses activités, il a été demandé à la BBC de refaire une demande pour l’obtention d’une nouvelle licence. De son côté, Ikiriho a immédiatement repris ses activités notamment ses publications sur son compte Twitter qui était resté inactif depuis Octobre 2018. Son site web demeure cependant inaccessible.

Néanmoins, plusieurs autres radio dont la VOA, la Radio Publique Africaine (RPA) et la Radiotélévision Renaissance restent bannies. Pour contourner l’interdiction nationale, la RPA et la Radiotélévision Renaissance, dont les journalistes sont actuellement en exil continuent à préparer et à diffuser activement les éditions quotidiennes sur leurs chaines YouTube (Radio Publique Africaine Ijwi ry’Abanyagihugu et Radio Télé Renaissance). Ces éditions quotidiennes sont très partagées par des citoyens Burundais via WhatsApp.

De surcroit, plus de 70 journalistes burundais qui ont fui la crise de 2015 vivent toujours en exil selon le journal Le Monde. De plus, l’auto censure et la répression de la société civile persistent.

Les quatre prochaines années

Afin de ramener l’espace médiatique et civique burundais au dynamisme d’avant 2015, Ndayishimiye doit s’engager à défendre la liberté des médias et de l’internet en levant sans condition les interdictions imposées à tous les organes de presse, notamment en amnistiant tous les journalistes qui vivent actuellement en exil. Les réformes des pratiques doivent s’accompagner de réformes en matière de politiques, notamment par la modification des lois qui accordent des pouvoirs abusifs aux autorités leur permettant de mener des activités de surveillance et de censure injustifiées. Ndayishimye devrait également rompre avec l’habitude de coupure d’accès à l’Internet et aux médias sociaux.

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