Advancing Collaborations in Strategic Litigation for Digital Rights in East Africa

By Edrine Wanyama |

Strategic litigation has gained recognition as a tool for pushing back against restrictions on rights to privacy, access to information and freedom of expression, assembly and association in the digital sphere in Africa. Notable cases have been recorded in Burundi, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Cameroon, Gambia, Zimbabwe, and Sudan.

However, litigation for digital rights remains under-utilised across the continent due to lack of effective collaboration between actors such as lawyers, activists, academia, civil society organisations and other technical experts.

At the 2019 Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica19) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, a workshop was hosted to promote best practices for more effective collaboration across disciplinary silos in digital rights litigation. The session also aimed to raise the visibility of the outcomes and lessons learned from three recent digital rights cases and campaigns in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda, alongside global experiences by Access Now, the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) and the Media Legal Defense Initiative (MLDI), so as to inform future intervention. It was attended by 22 participants comprising of parliamentarians, lawyers, academics, journalists, digital rights activists, civil society actors and representatives of government agencies.

The workshop and case analysis were premised on the catalysts for collaboration which outline 12 principles in advancing digital rights campaigns using litigation.

The 12 Catalysts for Collaboration

Various issues emerged during the workshop and in many instances echoed the experiences of cases in East Africa and beyond. In his presentation, “Litigating Digital Rights and Online Freedom of Expression in East, West and Southern Africa”, Padraig Hughes from MLDI explored  internet regulation and international human rights instruments provisions related to digital rights, including data protection and privacy, the right to be forgotten, encryption, anonymity and cybercrime. He noted that whereas countries across the world were party to many of the instruments, case law on internet regulation in Africa was not as advanced as in other continents. Indeed, a study of the case of The Bloggers Association of Kenya (BAKE) v Hon. Attorney General & Three Others in Kenya indicates that due to limited precedent and case law on strategic litigation in Africa, BAKE had to rely heavily on European Union case law as a reference point.

BAKE’s petition challenged the Computer and Misuse Act, 2018, stating that it violated, infringed and threatened fundamental freedoms protected in the Bill of Rights in the Constitution of Kenya, 2010. In May 2018, a judge granted interim conservatory orders, suspending 26 clauses in the Act. To-date, a hearing date is yet to be set for the case. However, the orders granted remain in force pending the hearing.

The EFF’s Corynne McSherryn presented collaborative cases which challenged border device search and seizures in the United States of America, as part of which border and pocket guides have been issued to help travellers in securing their digital data before travelling. The publicity and awareness approach of the guides is similar to that adopted in pushing back against a social media tax in Uganda by encouraging the use of Virtual Private Networks (VPNs). A case related to this pushback is the Cyber Law Initiative (U) Limited and Five Others Versus The Attorney General of Uganda and Two Others.

On July 2, 2018, Cyber Law Initiative (U) Limited and four individuals – Opio Daniel Bill, Baguma Moses, Okiror Emmanuel and Silver Kayondo – sued the Attorney General, the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC), and the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) in the Constitutional Court over an amendment to the Excise and Duty Act. The amendment introduced a tax of Uganda Shillings (UGX) 200 (USD 0.05) per day in order to access Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter, and Viber, among other social media platforms. The case relied heavily on print, broadcast and online media to raise public awareness and push back against the tax through encouraging use of Virtual Private Networks (VPNs). It is over a year since the case was filed and all relevant submissions have been tabled before court. However, a hearing date has not been fixed. Efforts to have the case hearing date fixed have included a petition to the Deputy Chief Justice with an annexation of over 400 signatures, to no avail.

Aaron Kiiza, part of the legal team on the Uganda social media tax case, noted that collaborative litigation remains a major challenge due to group dynamics and unforeseen circumstances. This was the case in Tanzania where three collaborators withdrew from Legal and Human Rights Center and Two Others v. The Minister for Information, Culture, Arts and Sports, the Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority and the Attorney General, which demoralised the group and was deemed as the “starting point of defeat” in the case.

The Legal and Human Rights Centre, Media Council of Tanzania, Tanzania Media Women Association (TMWA), Jamii Media, Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC), and the Tanzania Editors Forum (TEF) filed a case in the High Court of Tanzania challenging enforcement of the Electronic and Postal Communications Act (EPOCA) (Online Content Regulations) of 2018. The applicants argued that the regulations were promulgated in excess of power, illegal, against the principles of natural justice, unreasonable, arbitrary and ambiguous. However, three applicants (Jamii Media, TAMWA and TEF), later withdrew from the case. TAMWA and TEF’s withdrawal from the case was attributed to waning interest, while that of Jamii Media was due to separate criminal proceedings against its Executive Director, which had already put a strain on the organisation’s operations.

 On May 4, 2018, the Court issued a temporary injunction preventing the implementation of the Regulations which were to take effect the following day on May 5, 2018. However, the government of Tanzania appealed against the decision, and Court overturned the injunction and dismissed the case, with each party bearing its own costs.

Meanwhile, in the Zimbabwean case against the network disruption of January 2019, Kuda Hove from the Media Institution of Southern Africa (MISA) Zimbabwe observed that collaborative litigation sometimes leads to delays which can affect justice. In the Kenyan case, time constraints required BAKE to draft and file the petition, under certificate of urgency, with only two days left before the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act, 2018 came into force. Hove noted that there is always the need to strengthen communications among parties and collaborators who may fail on their duties and obligations during the litigation.

Participants also highlighted the lack of digital rights knowledge, skills and competencies amongst judges and lawyers a shared experience across all three cases studied. Resource constraints which affect evidence gathering are another shared challenge.

Furthermore, the slow nature of legal processes was acknowledged. The cases in East Africa have been fraught with setbacks, including case backlog and judiciary transfers leading to fatigue of both the legal counsel and the general public.

The workshop and case analysis were carried out as part of a CIPESA-MLDI project aimed at increasing the availability of information on digital rights cases in Africa and lessons learned to inform future intervention for effectiveness, creativity and resilience of cases. The documenting of the case studies was conducted by CIPESA in partnership with the Kenya ICT Action Network (KICTANet) and Tanzania Human Rights Defender’s Coalition (THRDC), and involved expert consultations, literature review and interviews.

L'Afrique Face à de Nouveaux Systèmes de Désinformation et de Surveillance Qui Sapent la Démocratie

Par Daniel Mwesigwa |

Une gamme de fournisseurs de logiciels espions, dont la firme italienne Hacking Team, l’anglo-germanique Gamma Group et l’israélienne NSO Group, ont trouvé un marché ouvert auprès des gouvernements autoritaires et répressifs en Afrique et ailleurs. De même, des campagnes de propagande systématiques conçues par des acteurs fantaisistes – y compris des agents du gouvernement et des entreprises ambitieuses d’analyse de données telles que Cambridge Analytica travaillant pour le compte d’acteurs étatiques et non étatiques – deviennent de plus en plus visibles en Afrique, en particulier pendant les périodes électorales.

Les outils et tactiques de ces opérateurs, pour la plupart non africains, sapent de plus en plus la démocratie et le respect des droits humains en Afrique, car ils permettent une surveillance de masse et une désinformation qui manipule et sape le discours politique.

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Par exemple, le quotidien Wall Street Journal a révélé dans le détail le 15 août 2019 comment le géant chinois de la technologie Huawei et ses techniciens avaient aidé la police ougandaise à pirater les communications cryptées d’une figure de l’opposition. Les agents de sécurité ont ainsi pu contrecarrer les plans de mobilisation du chef de l’opposition. L’article indiquait également que des techniciens de Huawei avaient aidé les autorités zambiennes à accéder aux téléphones et aux pages de médias sociaux d’un groupe de blogueurs de l’opposition qui avaient été traqués et arrêtés.

Grâce à des failles de sécurité, les outils et logiciels espions confèrent aux gouvernements, notamment aux services de renseignement et d’application de la loi, des pouvoirs immenses pour surveiller l’utilisation de systèmes d’intrusion secrets sur les principales plates-formes mobiles et systèmes d’exploitation. En 2016, le Citizen Lab, un laboratoire interdisciplinaire travaillant à l’intersection des affaires mondiales et de la technologie à l’Université de Toronto, a découvert Pegasus – un malware sophistiqué développé par la firme israélienne NSO Group qui est injecté dans le téléphone d’une cible via du texte ou WhatsApp, l’outil de messagerie populaire en Afrique. Le Citizen Lab a depuis identifié les opérations de Pegasus dans plus de 45 pays, dont l’Algérie, l’Égypte, la Côte d’Ivoire, le Kenya, le Maroc, le Rwanda, l’Afrique du Sud, le Togo, l’Ouganda et la Zambie. Mais NSO se serait vanté maintes et maintes fois comment elle pouvait pénétrer divers systèmes d’exploitation et applications indépendamment des correctifs de sécurité.

Selon le Rapport 2019 sur l’état de la liberté d’Internet en Afrique, “l’état de surveillance” en Afrique a acquis une notoriété au tournant de la décennie, après le tristement célèbre printemps arabe qui a balayé l’Afrique du Nord en 2011, qui aurait été amplifié par des voix dissidentes sur les réseaux sociaux. Le rapport montre comment des États répressifs tels que la Tanzanie, l’Ouganda, l’Éthiopie, le Botswana et le Rwanda ont depuis renforcé leurs capacités de surveillance en achetant des logiciels espions avancés. En 2015, il a été révélé que l’Ouganda et la Tanzanie avaient acheté le système de contrôle à distance (RCS) premium de Hacking Team pour l’intrusion dans les systèmes des principales plates-formes mobiles et systèmes d’exploitation.

Plus récemment, le Financial Times a rapporté que le Rwanda avait versé jusqu’à 10 millions de dollars américains au groupe NSO pour espionner les critiques et dissidents du gouvernement via WhatsApp – une allégation que le président rwandais M. Paul Kagame a démentie lors d’un point de presse présidentiel tenu le 8 novembre 2019, reconnaissant seulement qu’ils espionnent “nos ennemis” en utilisant “l’intelligence humaine”. Il a ajouté: “Je ne dépenserais pas mon argent pour des non-personne [les exilés rwandais], nous avons des secteurs comme l’éducation pour dépenser cet argent”.

Toutefois le déni de M. Kagame doit être pris avec prudence. En 2016, un tribunal rwandais a condamné un chanteur populaire, M. Kizito Mihigo, à 10 ans de prison pour des allégations de complot en vue de renverser le gouvernement, sur la base de messages WhatsApp et Skype échangés en privé piratés avec de prétendus dissidents en exil.

Les cas présumés du Rwanda semblent être liés à d’autres cas dans lesquels NSO a infiltré des comptes WhatsApp de journalistes, de militants des droits de l’homme, de dissidents politiques, d’éminentes femmes dirigeantes et d’autres membres de la société civile dans jusqu’à 20 pays, ce qui a incité Facebook (propriétaire de WhatsApp ) à poursuivre NSO en octobre 2019. Le procès intenté par Facebook devant la Cour fédérale des États-Unis accuse le fabricant de logiciels espions d’avoir piraté les comptes WhatsApp de 1 400 utilisateurs dans le monde. Bien que l’on ne dispose que de peu de détails sur l’identité exacte des personnes touchées, 174 personnes sont des avocats, des journalistes, des défenseurs des droits de l’homme et des chefs religieux.

Selon le Financial Times, six des personnes ciblées au Rwanda, ont été interviewées et ont confirmé avoir été alertées par WhatsApp sur la possible surveillance par NSO de leurs communications. Il s’agit notamment d’un journaliste vivant en exil en Ouganda qui avait adressé une demande au gouvernement ougandais “d’aider à protéger les Rwandais du pays contre les assassinats”, des personnalités de l’opposition vivant en Afrique du Sud et en Grande Bretagne membres du Rwanda National Congress (RNC), un groupe d’opposition en exil; d’un officier de l’armée qui a fui le Rwanda en 2008 et a témoigné contre des membres du gouvernement rwandais devant un tribunal français en 2017, et d’un membre belge du parti d’opposition FDU-Inkingi.

Pendant ce temps, certaines puissances étrangères testent prétendument, comme l’a récemment rapporté le New York Times, “de nouvelles tactiques de désinformation en Afrique pour étendre leur influence”. Le rapport détaille comment le groupe Wagner fondé par l’homme d’affaires Yevgeny Prigozhin, qui aurait des liens étroits avec le gouvernement russe, a mené ces dernières années des campagnes de désinformation agressives sur Facebook.

Il est rapporté que la campagne de Prigozhin a utilisé des comptes Facebook ouverts localement pour dissimuler son comportement et a également utilisé des réseaux de nouvelles factices qui republient régulièrement des articles de l’organisation de presse publique russe Sputnik pour promouvoir les politiques russes tout en sapant les politiques américaines et françaises en Afrique. Le 31 octobre 2019, Facebook aurait supprimé ces comptes qui influençaient les opérations “dans la politique intérieure” de huit pays africains – le Cameroun, la République centrafricaine, le Congo Brazzaville, la Côte d’Ivoire, Madagascar, le Mozambique et le Soudan.

Plus tôt en 2019, Facebook aurait fermé une opération distincte de “fake news” ciblant les élections dans des pays africains tels que le Nigeria, le Sénégal, le Togo, le Niger, l’Angola et la Tunisie, propagée par des comptes “inauthentiques” sur Facebook et Instagram gérés par une société commerciale israélienne, Groupe Archimède. Entre 2013 et 2017, des gouvernements tels que celui du Kenya et du Nigéria auraient engagé Cambridge Analytica pour manipuler l’électorat dans le but de faire remporter les élections présidentielles par les candidats sortants.

Outre les campagnes de désinformation liées aux acteurs russes et les logiciels espions fabriqués en Israël, il existe également des programmes de surveillance par reconnaissance faciale tels que les “Smart Cities” de Huawei, qui ont été déployés dans 12 pays africains. Certains considèrent ce phénomène           comme une exportation de l’autoritarisme numérique.

Il est désormais évident que les gouvernements et des acteurs non étatiques ont la tâche ardue de relever les défis de gouvernance causés par ce phénomène. Par conséquent, avec l’aide de plateformes technologiques, les gouvernements doivent comprendre quelles lois et politiques, y compris les mécanismes de contrôle et d’application, sont nécessaires pour renforcer la protection de la démocratie et des droits de l’homme dans un monde numérique en rapide évolution.

The Africa Digital Rights Fund Awards USD 152,000 to Advance Digital Rights in 18 African Countries

By Ashnah Kalemera |

The second round of the Africa Digital Rights Fund (ADRF) has awarded a total of USD 152,000 to 14 initiatives that will work to advance digital rights in 18 African countries. Among the focus areas of the initiatives are access to information, data protection and privacy, digital economy, Digital Identity (ID), digital security, diversity and inclusion, freedom of expression, hate speech, misinformation, and innovation for democratic participation, transparency and accountability (civic and social tech).

ADRF Round Two focus countries: Algeria, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, Somalia, Somaliland, Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, Uganda and Zimbabwe

Launched in April 2019, the ADRF responds to rising digital rights violations such as arrests and intimidation of internet users, network shutdowns, and a proliferation of laws and regulations that hamper internet access and affordability. It offers flexible and rapid response grants to initiatives in Africa to implement activities that advance digital rights and the potential of technology to uphold human rights, advance democratic governance, and drive innovation. In the inaugural round of ADRF, initiatives with activities spanning 16 African countries received a total of USD 65,000.

The second call for applications attracted 164 applications from 33 countries. The applicants were assessed on the following attributes:

  • The applicant’s experience in advancing digital rights/track record on similar work;
  • Demonstrated need for the project, including relevance to described context and priorities of the Fund;
  • Eligibility in terms of geographic coverage, proposed activities, duration, and evidence of the applicant’s formal registration or operations;
  • Demonstration of innovation with regards to approach, feasibility of deliverables and timelines, and potential impact of the intervention;
  • Potential for data-driven advocacy;
  • Budget feasibility; and
  • Diversity considerations.

The assessment was conducted by CIPESA programme staff and five external experts with extensive experience in the digital rights field.

Together with the inaugural grantees, grantees from  the second round will be eligible for technical and institutional capacity building, including on data literacy and advocacy skills through the Data4Change initiative, as well as impact communication.

The grantees of the ADRF’s second call are:

Action et Humanisme – Ivory Coast: Action et Humanism will work to promote internet use among persons with disabilities in Cote d’Ivoire by conducting quality of service/user experience surveys, assessments of ICT accessibility compliance among government entities and telecommunications companies, and knowledge and skills building exercises on inclusive internet access for 100 representatives from media, disability rights organisations, academia and technology companies.

ADISI – Cameroon: ADISI will promote social accountability and citizen-duty bearer interactions beyond Cameroon’s economic capital Douala through its civic engagement and data journalism initiatives, and capacity building of youth leaders in digital advocacy, public policy participation, and  access to information.

African Feminism – Pan African: Through its network of writers, contributors and editors, African Feminism will document legal and policy developments as well as survivor experiences of revenge pornography in Malawi, Nigeria, and Uganda towards pushing for accountability (prevention, protection and redress) of governments and platform operators. The documentation will be via in-depth articles, visual stories and social media campaigns.

Centre for International Trade, Economics and Environment (CUTS) – Kenya: While acknowledging the potential gains of digital innovation in Kenya’s financial services sector, concerns about threats and vulnerabilities to privacy and data protection, as well as to consumer rights, prevail. Accordingly, through research, policy analysis and online campaigns, CUTS will examine the technological, institutional, and legal environment relating to digital financial consumer protection in Kenya and identify opportunities for strengthening the sector.

Digital Shelter – Somalia: In response to arrests and intimidation of several journalists and social media activists by the Somali federal government and federal states, digital attacks, and threats from terrorist groups, Digital Shelter will organise a series of events under the theme “Protect Our Online Space”. Targeting 120 human rights defenders, activists, journalists and bloggers, the project will work on digital safety and security, the shrinking civic space, freedom of expression and hate speech.

Forum de Organizacoes de Pessoas com Deficiencia (Disabled Persons Organisations Forum) – Mozambique: The Forum will conduct ICT accessibility and compliance assessments of Mozambique’s state obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and work to build the capacity of disability rights organisations to advocate for accessible ICT for persons with disabilities including through the G3ict Digital Accessibility Evaluation Index. The findings and recommendations will form the basis of a stakeholder submission as part of Mozambique’s upcoming Universal Periodic Review (UPR).

Global Voices – Sub-Saharan AfricaMiddle East and North Africa: Building on “Writing Toward Freedom: Politics and digital rights in Africa”, Global Voices will investigate identity-driven hate speech, disinformation and harassment in online spaces in Algeria, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Sudan, Tunisia and Uganda. Through collaborative workshops, multilingual in-depth feature stories, and curated social media dialogue, the initiative will explore how language, culture, gender, religion and ethnicity affect digital spaces in the seven focus countries during politically charged periods, and how technology platforms regulate and moderate harmful content.

iWatch Africa – Ghana: This project will focus on tracking, documenting, and analysing online abuse and harassment against journalists and rights activists covering political and societal issues in Ghana. Based on the various cases, iWatch Africa will engage the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) and policy makers to develop protocols for legal support for victims to seek redress.

Jamii Forums – Tanzania: In the run up to the general elections in Tanzania, Jamii Forums will work to enhance the digital security of 100 activists, journalists, lawyers, bloggers and human rights defenders, including raising awareness on digital vulnerabilities, the link to between digital vulnerabilities and physical/offline environments and effects on their work. A reporting and rapid response system will provide onward support in the elections period. The project will also feature stakeholder engagements on data protection and privacy, targeting law enforcement authorities and the communications regulator.

JP Media and Sobanukirwa – Rwanda: Based on Rwanda’s seven-year-old Access to Information Law and the five-year-old Sobanukirwa initiative, this project will research challenges to implementation of the law and uptake of the platform respectively, so as to promote increased citizens’ information requests, duty bearer responsiveness, and proactive disclosure.

Mzalendo Trust – Kenya: Building on its track record in promoting transparency and accountability, as well as citizen participation in legislative processes, Mzalendo will conduct research on the impact and perceptions of the Huduma Namba initiative in Kenya, run a public awareness campaign on data rights in Kenya and enhance the interactive functionality of its Dokeza platform.

Rudi International – Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo): Goma-based Rudi International will work to build a coalition of digital rights lawyers to support digital rights advocacy and strategic litigation efforts in the DR Congo’s fast-evolving but challenging telecommunications landscape. The lawyers, to be drawn from the four cities of Bukavu, Goma, Kisangani, and Lubumbashi, will benefit from ICT policy training, webinars, and connections to relevant regional and international fora.

Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA) – Somaliland: Through a knowledge, attitude and perceptions (KAPs) survey, design thinking workshop, digital literacy training, and roundtable engagements on digital media in the context of conflict regions, SOLJA will work with media practitioners and law enforcement authorities to strengthen media freedom and combat hate speech and misinformation in Somaliland.

Zimbabwe Centre for Media and Information Literacy (ZCMIL) and the National University of Science and Technology (NUST) – Zimbabwe: This collaborative project will work to empower 120 grassroots-based citizen journalists in media and information literacy. Covering a range of topics, including ethical standards, information and news verification and fact-checking, as well as digital security, the project beneficiaries will be drawn from six localities (Bulawayo, Plumtree, Kwekew, Lupane, Gweru and Hwange) and are expected to support citizen voice and agency in rule of law, constitutionalism, improved service delivery and good governance.

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The ADRF is an initiative of the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) with support from the Ford Foundation, the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), the German Society for International Cooperation Agency (GIZ) and the Omidyar Network.

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