Tanzania Ministry of ICT to Co-Host the 2023 Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa

Announcement |

The Ministry of Information, Communication and Information Technology of the United Republic of Tanzania has announced that it will co-host the 2023 edition of Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica23). The move is in line with the country’s digital transformation and wider digitalisation efforts.  

“We are pleased to support such an important event in Africa. In recent years, we have steadily worked at enhancing our digital transformation through the Tanzania Digital Economy Framework to enhance our capacities within the government and for the citizens of Tanzania to enjoy digital services. We value this opportunity to showcase our commitment to promoting internet access in the country and the region. As a Ministry, we have made significant strides in expanding internet access and are committed to ensuring that the internet is a safe and enabling space for all users, especially women, youth, and marginalised groups,” stated Hon. Nape Nnauye, the Minister of Information, Communication and Information Technology.

An initiative of the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), FIFAfrica is the largest and most influential gathering on technology’s role in driving socio-economic and political development in Africa. It brings together policymakers, regulators, human rights defenders, academia, law enforcement representatives, media, and other stakeholders from across Africa and beyond to discuss the most pressing issues and opportunities for advancing privacy, free expression, inclusion, free flow of information, civic participation, and innovation online.

The government of Tanzania, joins those of Ethiopia (2019) and Zambia (2022), as well as the Slovenia Presidency of the European Union (2021), in partnering with CIPESA to co-host FIFAfrica. Scheduled to take place in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, September 27-29, 2023, the Forum, now in its 10th year, will feature diverse voices and perspectives through carefully curated sessions (training workshops, alliance meetings, panel discussions, exhibitions and lightning talks) which emerged from a public call

“We are pleased to co-host FIFAfrica23 alongside the Tanzania Ministry of Information, Communication and Information Technology. This partnership is a testament to the shared vision and commitment of CIPESA and the Government of Tanzania to promote an open and inclusive internet in Africa,” said Dr. Wairagala Wakabi, CIPESA’s Executive Director.

CIPESA announced that its decision to host FIFAfrica in Tanzania is in recognition of the country’s progressive shift to advance digitalisation for sustainable development. Under the leadership of its first female President, Samia Suluhu Hassan, a proponent for civil rights and women’s rights, the country has undergone political and legal reforms aimed at enhancing civic space and the digitalisation agenda. Notably, a data protection law has been enacted, the law governing media operations is being revised, and the  Online Content Regulations 2020 were revised to make them more supportive of online speech, privacy and access to information.

The Forum has previously been held in Uganda, Ghana, Ethiopia, Zambia and South Africa. As a platform for unpacking challenges and developing collaborative responses, hosting FIFAfrica in different countries opens up the space for experience sharing, learning and exchange, but also gives life to the CIPESA’s commitment to ensuring broader regional representation and deepening dialogue across the continent.
FIFAfrica23 will be hosted at the Hyatt Regency Dar es Salaam, The Kilimanjaro and is expected to assemble at least 400 participants from across the continent and beyond. Follow @cipesaug on social media for updates. Use the hashtags #FIFAfrica23 and #InternetFreedomAfrica to share your vision for digital rights in Africa.

Le Ministère Tanzanien de l’Information, de la Communication et des Technologies de l’Information Co-Organisera le Forum 2023 sur la Liberté d’Internet en Afrique (FIFAfrica23)

Annonce |

Le Ministère de l’Information, de la Communication et des Technologies de l’Information de la République Unie de Tanzanie a annoncé qu’il co-organisera l’édition 2023 du Forum 2023 sur la Liberté d’Internet en Afrique (FIFAfrica23). Cette initiative s’inscrit dans le cadre de la transformation numérique et des efforts de numérisation du pays au sens large.

“Nous sommes heureux de soutenir un événement si important en Afrique. Dans les années précédentes, nous avons assidûment travaillé à l’amélioration de notre transformation numérique par le biais du Cadre de l’Economie Numérique de la Tanzanie, afin de renforcer nos capacités au sein du gouvernement et de permettre aux citoyens tanzaniens de bénéficier de services numériques. Nous apprécions cette opportunité de montrer notre engagement à promouvoir l’accès à l’internet dans le pays et la région. En tant que ministère, nous avons fait des progrès considérables pour accroître l’accès à internet et nous sommes déterminés à faire de l’internet un espace sûr et favorable pour tous les utilisateurs, en particulier les femmes, les jeunes et les groupes marginalisés”, a déclaré M. Nape Nnauye, ministre de l’Information, de la Communication et des Technologies de l’Information.

Initiative de la Collaboration sur la politique internationale des TIC pour l’Afrique de l’Est et australe (CIPESA), FIFAfrica est le plus grand et le plus influent rassemblement sur le rôle de la technologie dans le développement socio-économique et politique de l’Afrique. Il réunit les décideurs politiques, les régulateurs, les défenseurs des droits de l’homme, les universitaires, les représentants de la loi, les médias et d’autres parties prenantes d’Afrique et d’ailleurs pour discuter des plus urgentes préoccupations et possibilités de faire progresser la vie privée, la liberté d’expression, l’inclusion, la libre circulation de l’information, la participation civique et l’innovation en ligne.

Le gouvernement tanzanien rejoint ceux de l’Ethiopie (2019) et de la Zambie (2022), de même que la présidence de la Slovénie à l’Union Européenne (2021), en s’associant à CIPESA pour co-organiser FIFAfrica. Prévu pour se tenir à Dar es Salaam, en Tanzanie, du 27 au 29 septembre 2023, le Forum, qui en est à sa dixième édition, fera intervenir diverses voix et perspectives à travers des sessions soigneusement sélectionnées (ateliers de formation, réunions de partenariats, débats d’experts, expositions et conférences éclair) qui ont émergé à la suite d’un appel public.

“Nous sommes heureux d’accueillir FIFAfrica23 aux côtés du ministère tanzanien de l’Information, de la Communication et des Technologies de l’Information. Ce partenariat témoigne de la vision commune et de l’engagement de CIPESA et du gouvernement tanzanien à promouvoir un internet ouvert et inclusif en Afrique”, a déclaré le Dr Wairagala Wakabi, directeur exécutif CIPESA.

CIPESA a annoncé que sa décision d’organiser FIFAfrica en Tanzanie était une reconnaissance du changement progressif opéré par le pays pour promouvoir la digitalisation au service du développement durable. Sous la direction de sa première femme présidente, Samia Suluhu Hassan, une partisane des droits civils et les droits des femmes, le pays a entrepris des réformes politiques et juridiques visant à renforcer l’espace civique et l’agenda de la digitalisation. Notamment, une loi sur la protection des données a été promulguée, la loi régissant les activités des médias est en cours de révision, et la réglementation sur le contenu en ligne de 2020 a été révisée afin de la rendre plus favorable au discours en ligne, à la vie privée et à l’accès à l’information.

Le Forum s’est déjà tenu en Ouganda, au Ghana, en Éthiopie, en Zambie et en Afrique du Sud. En tant que plateforme permettant d’analyser les défis et d’élaborer des réponses communes, l’organisation de FIFAfrica dans différents pays ouvre la voie au partage d’expériences, à l’apprentissage et à l’échange, mais ravive également l’engagement de CIPESA à assurer une représentation régionale plus large et approfondir le dialogue à travers le continent.

FIFAfrica23 se tiendra au Hyatt Regency Dar es Salaam, The Kilimanjaro, et devrait rassembler au moins 400 participants venus de tout le continent et d’ailleurs. Suivez @cipesaug sur les médias sociaux pour les mises à jour. Utilisez les hashtags #FIFAfrica23 et #InternetFreedomAfrica pour partager votre vision des droits numériques en Afrique.

Call for Consultant: Informational Guide on Digital Security of Financial Transactions for CSOs in Uganda

Announcement |

The USAID/Uganda Civil Society Strengthening Activity (CSSA) is a five-year USAID-funded Activity implemented by East-West Management Institute (EWMI) in partnership with the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law (ICNL). The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) supported by EWMI seeks to develop and implement a CSO Compliance Index for the Regulatory Framework and Digital Security.

In this year CIPESA identified the need to develop and produce an informational guide on digital security of financial transactions for CSOs. The information Guide will feed into the overall goal which is to protect and expand civic space throughout Uganda by improving the enabling environment for civil society and fostering state-civil society engagement. And specifically, as a means to provide technical assistance towards strengthening the capacity of civil society organizations (CSOs) and other stakeholders to address restrictions on civic space in Uganda.

Find the full details here.

Smell The Coffee Kenya, Disinformation Is Brewing!

By Juliet Nanfuka |

Just over a year ago, Kenya was in the midst of a bitterly contested general election held in August 2022. The electoral period was characterised by hate speech and disinformation, which remain prevalent today. Indeed, recent studies have highlighted a booming disinformation industry in the country, fuelled by political, economic and personal interests with many actors including politicians, content creators, and citizens churning out hate speech and disinformation on social media platforms. 

During the election period, disinformation and hate speech circulated widely as social media personalities and ordinary citizens on various sides of the political divide coordinated and shared inciteful and hateful content. Influencers with a large following on the platforms are often bankrolled by politicians to recruit and coordinate micro-influencers to develop common disinformation and hate narratives and push hashtags which often trend on social media. Further, social media trolls engage through Facebook posts, tweets and WhatsApp groups with targeted hate against ethnic communities such as the Kalenjin, Kikuyu and Luo, the ethnic communities of current president William Ruto, former president Uhuru Kenyatta, and former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, respectively. 

Amidst the election-related disinformation blitz, social media platforms seemed to do either too little or nothing to stop the spread of harmful and illegal content. An investigation by Global Witness and Foxglove in June 2022 showed that Facebook failed to detect inflammatory and violent hate speech ads posted on its platforms in Swahili and English. Further, the investigation found that even after putting out a statement in July 2022 on its efforts to combat harmful content, including 37,000 pieces of Kenyan content removed from Facebook and Instagram for violating its hate speech policies, similar hate speech ads were later approved on their platforms. 

Likewise, in July 2022 Twitter was blamed by local actors for profiting from its negligence by allowing its trending topic section to be exploited through paid influencers to amplify malicious, coordinated, inauthentic attacks to silence Kenya’s civil society, muddy their reputations and stifle the reach of their messaging. In September 2021, Twitter suspended 100 accounts from Kenya for violating the platform’s manipulations and spam policy after being found to have been tweeting pre-determined hashtags meant to misinform the public and attack certain personalities. In June 2022, the company suspended 41 accounts promoting the hashtag #ChebukatiCannotBeTrusted, which suggested that the then Chairperson of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) was supporting one of the presidential candidates. 

TikTok, which has gained popularity among younger audiences, has also come under scrutiny after disinformation and hate content was found on its platform ahead of the August 2022 election. A study by Mozilla found 132 videos that had been viewed collectively over four million times, which were spreading hate speech and inciting violence against some ethnic communities. Some also featured synthetic and manipulated content couched as Netflix documentaries, news stories and fake opinion polls or fake tweets aimed at triggering violence, fear and violence as was witnessed during the 2007 post-election period. According to the report, TikTok suffered context bias and its content moderation practices were not robust enough to tackle the spread of such content on its platform. TikTok has since removed the videos highlighted in the report. 

According to Kenya’s hate speech watchdog, the National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC), hate speech content is most prevalent on Facebook and Twitter. In July 2022, the NCIC ordered Meta to address hate speech and incitement on its Facebook platform within a week or face a suspension of its operations in the country. In August 2022, the Commission also found an increase in hate content on TikTok. Some of the hate and disinformation hashtags it identified on the various platforms included #RejectRailaOdinga, #Riggagy and #RutoMalizaUfungwe, which propagated falsehoods against candidates in the presidential election.

Some critics have argued that social media platforms have shown a consistent failure to adequately moderate content in Kenya. Furthermore, the platforms’ attempts at content moderation are implemented in a lacklustre, under-funded and opaque system that is neither participatory nor rights-respecting. Other studies have also shown that platforms continue to inconsistently enforce their own rules through flawed content moderation practices and in essence permit the spread of extreme, divisive and polarising content partly due to their lack of understanding of Kenya’s cultural context and local languages and slang.

The government’s attempts at legislating on disinformation and hate speech have not been without setbacks. In 2018, the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act, 2018 was adopted, imposing punitive fines and prison terms on the publication of false information and false, misleading and fictitious data. Unfortunately, these provisions have been unjustly used to target bloggers for exposing corruption or seeking state accountability. 

A case by the Bloggers Association of Kenya challenging the constitutionality of the law remains pending an appeal of the decision by the High Court in February 2020 allowing the enforcement of the law. Section 13 of the National Cohesion and Integration Act constricts the definition of hate speech to “ethnic hatred” and fails to capture the constitutional limitations under Article 31, which include propaganda for war, incitement to violence, hate speech, and advocacy of hatred. This means various hate speech content remains lawful in the absence of a clear criminal prohibition.

Moreover, the NCIC, which was formed following the 2007 post-election violence, has been plagued by numerous challenges in its attempt to fight hate and promote peace and national cohesion. The commission for most of its active life has been underfunded, thus hindering its ability and capacity to monitor hate speech online, investigate incidents and conduct public awareness and engagements. Further, political interference with its work means that it has been incapable of enforcing the law to get successful convictions of offenders who are mostly the political elite

More importantly, successive government administrations have failed to implement the recommendations of the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) report to address the drivers of hate and disinformation. The report identified those drivers as Kenya’s historical inter-ethnic tensions that are systemic and deep-rooted in its social, cultural, religious, economic and political fabric. Disinformation and hate speech in Kenya thrive on these unresolved historical tensions around political ideology, ethnicity, economics, and demography.  

Today, a majority of social media users in Kenya are aware of and fuel hate speech and disinformation on social media. To some, it is all fun and games, as they assume no feelings get hurt. To many, however, disinformation triggers pain, fear, tension and hate. Last year, a local politician advised Kenyans to put matters of politics in their lungs, not their hearts. This attitude is also a problem, as such views may breed a level of acceptance and normalisation of disinformation and hate speech in the country by encouraging people to grow a ‘thick skin’ instead of objectively addressing the root causes of the vice. People, including Kenyans, are known to act on their feelings. As we have seen in neighbouring countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia and Sudan, hate speech and disinformation can drive violence with devastating consequences. 

The failure to resolve Kenya’s underlying tensions means the country risks further social division and fragmentation of society as well as diminished progress due to a continuation of governance policies and practices that further entrench discrimination and exclusion in accessing opportunities, resources and essential services. The hate that arises from the effects of such policies and practices, and the disinformation deployed to justify and perpetuate them, affects people’s mental health and emotional well-being. Moreover, they cement long-held historical fears, suspicions and animosity that continue to undermine the ability of Kenyans to trust each other or the government and could inhibit the willingness of sections of the public to cooperate in nation-building for the common good. 

Be that as it may, there are some promising efforts, such as the recently launched local coalition on freedom of expression and content moderation and the draft guidelines for regulating digital platforms spearheaded by UNESCO that seek to promote engagement and tackle content that potentially damages human rights and democracy. The multistakeholder coalition is an initiative of UNESCO and ARTICLE 19 that aims to bridge the gap between local stakeholders and social media companies and to improve content moderation practices, including supporting regulatory reform, building the capacity of state and non-state actors, and raising awareness on the ethical use of digital platforms. While these twin initiatives are new and largely untested, they present an opportunity to ensure more rights-respecting content moderation practices, the application of common norms based on human rights standards and stronger multistakeholder engagement in the content moderation process.

Finally, it may be easy to blame social media companies for the weaknesses in their content moderation systems, and by all means they need to be held to account. However, better algorithms alone cannot fix our society or our social norms. Kenyans must wake up and smell the coffee. Leaders need to drop the divisive acts and work together with stakeholders and citizens to address historical tensions and foster a culture of inclusion, tolerance, respect and understanding. While at it, they should promote responsible social media use, fact-checking, and media literacy in order to counter the negative impact of hate speech and disinformation and ultimately build a more just, harmonious, democratic and equitable society.

Tackling Threats to Media Freedom and Safety in The Digital Age

By Ashnah Kalemera | 

The proliferation of technology has created new opportunities for journalists and journalism in Africa, but it has also come with threats. For civil society, academia, media development practitioners, activists and development partners, it is critical to understand the key issues related to freedom of expression and the internet and possible ways to address them as part of programming and strategic intervention. 

At the Africa Media Convention (AMC), which was held in Lusaka, Zambia on May 11-13, 2023, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) convened a session that explored threats to media freedom and journalists safety in the digital age and comprehensive measures to tackle them.

During the session, which brought together over 40 stakeholders from across Africa, it was acknowledged that technology had enabled groundbreaking journalism, ease of reach to diverse audiences which has also enabled active engagement, and more accessible content production avenues. With this evolution, new actors have joined the sector and new regulation and economic sustainability models have been witnessed, all with implications for the future of media freedom and democracy. 

However, the digital era has also seen an exponential increase in online harassment of journalists, criminalisation of aspects of journalism, surveillance of journalists, and the orchestration of disinformation campaigns. These threats have translated into offline risks of physical violence, thereby undermining the safety and independence of journalists, while also eroding freedom of expression. 

According to Kamufisa Manchishi, a lecturer in the Faculty of Journalism and Public Relations at Zambia’s Mulungushi University, digitalisation in the media had created several “crises”. One of them was an identity crisis, whereby journalists and media houses are struggling to balance their online presence with upholding journalistic principles and ethics. Linked to the identity crisis was a financial crisis of generating revenue and sustaining operations. “This has caused clickbait journalism and led to compromise of ethics,” said Manchishi. 

Manchishi added that fears of being surveilled by the state and private actors had led to increased self censorship. He said: “Journalists do not want to talk about controversial issues on phone or virtual platforms. They are worried someone is listening and are opting to conduct interviews and investigations physically.” 

Meanwhile, misinformation and disinformation continue to proliferate on legacy media as well as on social and digital media. CIPESA research indicates that disinformation from online platforms is often amplified through traditional print and broadcast media. Soren Johannsen, BBC Media Action’s Zambia Country Director, called for more innovative approaches to promoting digital literacy. 

Whilst applauding various stakeholders’ efforts in debunking and fact-checking, Johannsen advocated for more interventions designed around pre-bunking as an inoculation theory for behavioural change. “We shouldn’t try to just correct and verify but help users understand where false information is coming from, the motivation and the consequences,” he said. Such efforts should be complemented with more research to help understand the originators, flows and uptake of misinformation and disinformation. 

Disinformation Pathways and Effects: Case Studies from Cameroon, Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria and Uganda.

Understanding the Information Disorder in Tunisia, Algeria and Libya .

As disinformation and misinformation threaten democracy, public security, and social cohesion, there has been an increase in legislative responses including the enactment of laws on cybercrime, computer misuse, hate speech and “false news”. However, many of such laws in place are vague and broadly criminalise “false news” or “offensive publications online” without, for instance, distinguishing between misinformation and disinformation, and have been weaponised against critics, journalists and media houses. 

Citing various examples from West Africa, Dora Mawutor, the Programme Manager at the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), said the determination of what qualifies as false news lies with the state and its “self-serving purposes”. She called for more solidarity among the media fraternity to push back against the selective application of such laws through increased coverage of legislative developments and  of attacks against journalists. Mawutor also called for advocacy for review or repeal of such repressive laws. 

Echoing Mawutor’s sentiments, Alfred Bulakali, the Regional Director of Article19 West Africa, stated that laws across Africa that govern  freedom of expression and media freedom often come with heavy sanctions against offenders yet they fall short of the three part test under international human rights standards. He noted that media freedom advocates around Africa had scored successes in securing the decriminalisation of libel and defamation provisions in traditional press laws. However, added Bulakali, “technology has given them [the decriminalised provisions] an opportunity to come back” through laws and regulations being developed to govern media and freedom of expression online. He called for renewed efforts in decriminalising libel and defamation online and offline and limiting the power of law enforcers to interpret the laws.

On online harassment, Cecilia Maundu, a Kenyan broadcast journalist, digital rights researcher and digital security trainer, stated that online gender-based violence is under-reported, even though some newsrooms have dedicated gender desks. Meanwhile, newsroom policies are also weak or non-existent, putting women journalists at increased risk. As a result, there was limited visibility of online gender-based violence in mainstream media and inadequate support for survivors. This calls for more response measures and programming that not only focus on newsroom policies and safety mechanisms, but also on psychological support. 

The joint responsibility alluded to by the various speakers at the session around advocacy, movement building, institutional capacity building, skills and knowledge development as well research and documentation  are key planks of CIPESA’s programming and engagement at national, regional and international levels to advance access to information, privacy and data protection, and free expression online as enablers of citizen participation, resisting authoritarianism, protecting women’s or other marginalised groups’ rights, amplifying people’s voices, and engendering accountability.