Promoting Access to Information and Digital Safety Awareness among Tanzanian Journalists For Upcoming Elections

By Gasirigwa G.S |
As the 25 October general election draws closer in Tanzania, journalists have been urged to be impartial in their reporting. Many have also taken steps to ensure that their digital communication is not compromised particularly when seeking information during the electioneering period.
In August, the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Tanzania Chapter, in partnership with the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) organized two training workshops on access to information with special focus on digital safety for Media practitioners in Tanzania. A total of 40 journalists (13 women and 27 men) from Geita, Mara, Mwanza and Dar es Salaam received practical digital safety skills against a backdrop of discussion on the Access to Information and Media Services bills as well as the recently passed Cybercrime Act 2015 and Statistics Act, also of 2015..
The objective of the workshops was to enhance knowledge and skills of selected media personnel in various outlets in order to enable them to access relevant information, cover and report  factually and responsibly during the 2015 general election.
Participants most of whom had no prior knowledge of what the proposed and enacted laws entailed had the chance to discuss and deliberate on how safely they can cover the ongoing campaigns and the October elections without falling on the wrong side of the laws.
In February, the government of Tanzania attempted to table and pass the Access to Information (ATI) and Media Services bills under certificate of urgency. The attempt was blocked by media and access to information activists under the Coalition of Right to Information (CORI) with support from Members of Parliament.  Tabling the bills under certificate of urgency meant that they would be passed into law without stakeholders review and input. CORI argued that the bills were draconian and shouldn’t be passed without earnest consultations with stakeholders.
The proposed access to information bill contains a number of provisions which are contrary to the country’s 1977 Constitution. Section 2 (4) of the bill states: “Nothing in this Act shall limit or otherwise restrict any other legislative requirement for a public authority to disclose information.” Under this provision public authorities could continue to withhold information despite the fact that the law is aimed at promoting information availability in the public domain.
The Bill further exempts the disclosure of certain information, placing vague restrictions on information which may: undermine national security; is likely to impede due process of law or endanger safety of life of any person; undermine lawful investigations being conducted by law enforcements agencies; and “significantly” undermine the operations of Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation (Section 6).
Other proposed provisions carry even wider violation of right to information. For example, Section 18(1) of the Bill states that “Information obtained by a person requesting from the information holder shall not be for public use”. Any person who contravenes this provision commits an offence and shall, upon conviction, be liable to imprisonment for a term not less than five years.
In a separate move, the government tabled and passed into law the Cybercrime Act and Statistics Act under certificates of urgency, making them operational as of September 1, 2015.
For its part, the Cybercrimes Act among many other things, criminalizes and penalizes the publication of “information, data or facts presented in a picture, texts, symbol or any other form in a computer system where such information, data or fact is false, deceptive, misleading or inaccurate”. Offenders are liable for at least six-months imprisonment and/or a fine of Tanzania Shillings (TZS)3 million (USD 1,380). The law also provides for at least three years in prison and/or a fine of at least TZS 10 million (USD 4,600) for publication of materials that incite, deny, minimize or justify acts that constitute genocide or crimes against humanity.
Regarding the initiation of transmission or re-transmission of unsolicited messages, the Cybercrimes Act provides for at least one year in prison and/or a fine of TZS3 million (USD 1,380) or three times the value of any undue advantage gained, whichever is higher.
The workshops were eye openers for many who stated they were not aware that several programmes and news items being run could potentially violate new laws. An editor expressed concern on content previously published which might be in contravention to the Cybercrimes and Statistics Acts and “could get us into trouble with the law.”
Moreover, the government through Tanzania Communication Regulatory Authority (TCRA) introduced the Subsidiary Legislation known as the political broadcasting services Code of 2015. The Code was gazetted in June this year and communicated to media owners in a seminar organized by TCRA. The code, which is not available in softcopy has serious implications on electronic media (Radio, TV and Social Media) during reporting of election issues.
The workshops served as opportunities to familiarise journalists with the recently passed laws and tabled bills. During the proceedings, journalists were also reminded that although the Media Services and Access to Information bills were not passed by parliament, the Newspaper Act of 1976 remained operational and media practitioners remain bound by it.
“I didn’t not know about this Broadcasting Code, TCRA summoned us bloggers to a meeting and made us sign a document that we were told was just guidelines for media and online users. They never told us we were signing our own jail warrants”, added Geofrey Adroph, photographer and blogger.
In light of the new and existing laws, the workshops and interactions made participants revisit ethical considerations and reporting guidelines in the run up to, during and after the elections.
 
 
 
 

Advancing Open Data Implementation in Africa

By Ashnah Kalemera |
The push for open data that contributes to government transparency and accountability in service delivery and promotes citizens’ right to information and innovation in the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) sector continues to gain prominence globally. Indeed, open data has been recognised as a key pillar of sustainable development. However, implementation of open data by African governments, civil society and the private sector is mostly in its infant stages, with some countries recording more success than others.
The demand and supply of open data in Africa is faced with numerous challenges including lack of complete data, authoritarian regimes, multiple fragmented actors, limited technical skills and capacity, inadequate infrastructure and low literacy rates.
On September 4-5, 2015, the government of Tanzania and the World Bank hosted the first Open Data Conference in Africa, that brought together the emerging open data community in Africa to showcase innovations and discuss opportunities and challenges to open data implementation.
Country representatives from Kenya, Tanzania, Burkina Faso, Rwanda, Ghana, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Ethiopia, among others shared experiences of national open data initiatives aimed at improved governance and better service delivery in the key sectors of education, water, health and transport. They highlighted the policy, financing, supply, demand, technology, and institutions driving these initiatives.
From civil society and the private sector, the innovations and practical applications showcased included Open Street Map Data in Dar es Salaam, Open Schools Kenya, open data for agriculture and nutrition, complex data visualized in Nigeria, open data for citizen engagement, energy and extractives among others.
Bella Bird, World Bank Country Director for Tanzania, told the conference that data is no longer for statisticians but governments that want to measure progress and democratic achievements. According to Ms. Bird, open data was “nowhere more relevant” than in Africa which is experiencing the fastest changes in population, urbanisation, and economic development compared to other continents.
She said that advancing open data in Africa was not just about making data accessible but making good data available and user friendly. “Without [data] evidence, planning and strategy is difficult and less likely to succeed,” she said.
The World Bank has supported over 30 countries around the world (including some in Africa) in the evaluation, design and implementation of open data initiatives. But few African countries are leveraging the potential of open data compared to their global counterparts.
In 2011, the Open Government Partnership (OGP) was launched as a multilateral initiative “to secure concrete commitments from governments to promote transparency, empower citizens, fight corruption, and harness new technologies to strengthen governance”. To-date, only eight of the continent’s 54 countries have joined the partnership that works to increase government openness in budget transparency, access to information, asset disclosure by politicians and officials, and citizen engagement. The OGP has 58 other member states across the world.
Meanwhile, in 2014, the Global Open Data Index which measures and benchmarks the openness of data in 97 countries around the world ranked South Africa highest among 19 African countries surveyed, at position 36. Burkina Faso followed in 59th position and Senegal in 63rd. Among the lowest ranked countries were Guinea (97), Mali (96) and Sierra Leone (94).
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Figure 1: African Countries 2014 Open Data Index ranking (Source: Global Open Data Index)
However, as noted by Frannie Leautier, a managing partner with the Fezembat Group in France argued that it did not matter where African countries are ranked in the index or the partnerships they belong to. Focus should be on what stakeholders in each country can do with open data to improve livelihoods.
South Africa’s Statistician General, Pali Lehohla, noted that in translating open data into valuable outcomes in Africa, the issue of intellectual property should not be ignored. He said intellectual property particularly around algorithms used in data analysis must also be open for the full potential of open data to be realised in Africa.
Meanwhile, the World Wide Web Foundation’s Nnenna Nwakanma suggested that open data use on the continent should not only be about the accountability of governments but also about giving citizens the opportunity to plan, invest, and gain financially to better their lives.
“The problem in Africa is not money itself but how best to invest money. If we have the right information and data, the one billion citizens will start investing accordingly,” she said.
Participants at the conference which was held in Dar es Salaam widely recognised the key role of national statistics agencies in actualising the potential and impact of data. They also recognised the need to set up the right infrastructure and skills building to fill the existing gaps. Civil registration for birth, deaths, and marriages was recommended to ensure vital statistics are not always based on estimates. Other recommendations included advancing partnerships between the various actors to share experiences and avoid reinventing the wheel.
To read more about the conference proceedings, see #africaopendata.

Tough New Election Reporting Rules for Tanzania’s Bloggers

By Wairagala Wakabi |
Tanzania has introduced tough guidelines for broadcasters and online content providers including bloggers, as the country heads to the October 2015 elections at which observers say the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), faces its strongest challenge ever.
Titled ‘The Broadcasting Services (Content) (The Political Party Elections Broadcasts) Code 2015’, the rules were gazetted on June 26, 2015 and affect bloggers, SMS pollsters, and broadcasters in general. Although media owners were provided with copies of the new rules, they claim to have not received an explanation from government on how to use them.
The new rules, poor access to information, and other election-related threats to media freedom, were among the issues in focus at a training organised by CIPESA and the Media Institute of Southern Africa Tanzania (Misa-Tan) in Mwanza, Tanzania. The training conducted on August 10-11, drew 17 journalists from the Geita, Mara, and Mwanza regions and centred on effective media coverage during this year’s elections.
Section 10 of the 2015 code deals with “online content providers”, defined as “any person or entity who develops files of content for the online users or on behalf of others to be made accessible online.” It places burdensome requirements on online content providers “residing within or outside Tanzania territory” who create “content intended for Tanzania mainland using Swahili or any other languages which have large audiences.”
These requirements include registration with the Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA); compliance with Tanzania’s laws and regulations governing the operations of electronic media; and ensuring that information provided in blogs is accurate, fair, factual, and balanced to all parties and independent candidates in the elections.
Furthermore, the rules require online content providers to make efforts to edit interactive discussions likely to hurt the feeling of any person, as well as offensive or blasphemous language that may provoke violence, sedition, or breach of peace. They are also required to “take necessary measures to screen information and reports before posting”, and to provide political parties and private candidates equal opportunities to reply where a report contains inaccurate or unfair criticism based on distorted facts.
Online publishers also have to “take care to ensure the accuracy on publishing election results or public opinion polls” and to adhere to the bloggers’ code of conduct.
However, according to Maxence Mello, publisher of the vibrant online platform Jamii Forums and a promoter of the nascent national bloggers’ association, there is no bloggers’ code in Tanzania. The blogging community is afraid the government could gazette such a code without consulting them, and use it to rein in critical bloggers.
The rules place stringent gate-keeping responsibilities on citizen journalists, including screening information before publishing and providing the right of reply. “How many blogs have accurate information?” ponders Maxence. “It is not easy for blogs to be balanced.”  The new regulations would require blogs to invest in cross-checking information, getting additional sources, and to generally not publish until they have adhered to journalistic principles ordinarily applicable to mainstream media.
Lengo ni chukua control,” says Maxence in Swahili, describing the new rules as aimed at establishing state control on what bloggers and social media users publish and discuss online.
The election rules have also been criticised for requiring the media to carry political parties’ material in brief and free of commentary. “If a journalist reports only the way politicians have stated an issue, will that help citizens make an informed decision?” asked James Marenga, a lawyer with the Dar es Salaam-based National Organisation for Legal Assistance, and one of the trainers at the Mwanza workshop.
Tanzania goes to the polls this October, with CCM – the longest-ruling party in Africa – facing a stronger opposition headed by erstwhile Prime Minister Dr. Edward Ngoyai Lowassa. Dr. Lowassa defected from the ruling party after failing to clinch its flag-bearer position that was taken by works minister Dr. Pombe Magufuli.
Tanzania’s press freedom record has been on a slide, with arrests of journalists and banning of newspapers reported. The country still has laws dating back to the colonial era – such as the Newspaper Act of 1976 – which it has used to control online publishing. With a 69% telephone penetration rate and 11.3 million internet users, more Tanzanians have taken to the online sphere to express themselves.
Besides the elections reporting code, the country has this year introduced numerous laws that hamper media freedom and the right to freedom of expression. These include a cybercrimes and a statistics law that have been passed, as well as a media services bill and a right to information bill that are pending.
The new elections reporting code thus represents a continuation of the President Jakaya Kikwete Government’s law-making that shrinks civic space and restricts the role of independent media in advancing greater transparency and access to information during a crucial election.
Section 14 of the rules cautions that results from SMS opinion polls shall not be treated as representative scientific results. Should a broadcaster wish to use results from SMS opinion polls, they have to indicate the number of respondents and to provide select representative responses.
Where the SMS poll has less than 1,000 respondents, broadcasters shall inform the audience that it is not scientific and the conclusions are not valid and reliable. The rules bar the publishing of poll findings within 30 days before polling day.
The rules also require content service providers (“licensed persons who provide broadcasting content services under and in accordance with the provisions of laws and licence conditions” issued by TRCA) to ensure “proper use of SMS sent by the public to ensure accuracy, integrity, objectivity and balance.”
Tanzania’s constitution guarantees freedom of expression and right to information. These rights need to be strongly respected if the country in order to have a free and fair election and for democratic governance to flourish. To promote a vibrant media role in reporting the elections, CIPESA is working with Tanzanian partners to train reporters, bloggers, and editors. The next training is scheduled for Dar es Salaam in the last week of August.
 

Tanzania Cybercrime Bill Should Safeguard Citizens’ Rights on the Internet

By Juliet Nanfuka |
Tanzania has published a Cybercrime Bill that makes “provisions for criminalizing offences related to computer systems and Information Communication Technologies” and provides for investigation, collection, and use of electronic evidence.
However, the release of the Cybercrime Bill has been met with apprehension by the public due to its overt disregard for press freedom and freedom of expression, the excessive powers granted to police, and the limited protections afforded to ordinary citizens.
On social media, critics have suggested that the timing and content of the Bill were intended to control the media and bloggers ahead of the October 2015 elections. According to the 2014 State of Internet Freedom in Tanzania report, the process of making Cybercrime laws began in 2013 with proposals for the development of the Cyber security Act, Data Protection Act and the Electronic Transacting Act by the end of 2014.
Some of the problematic clauses in the Bill that affect freedom of expression and privacy include Sections 7, 8, 14, 16, 31, 32, 34, 35, 37, 41 and 45.
Section 7 (2) criminalises citizens who receive unauthorized computer data.  There should be consideration of content received with intent and without.
Section 8 and 16 provide vague descriptions of phrases including “unauthorized data” and “false information.” In Section 8, one can be charged with data espionage for obtaining “computer data protected against unauthorized access without permission.” The parameters that define unauthorized data need to be indicated as this could have an impact upon investigative journalists and confidentiality of their sources.
In Section 16, on the Publication of false information, the terms “deceptive, misleading and inaccurate information” are subjective and open to abuse by implementers of the law. A clear definition of what constitutes these terms needs to be stipulated in the bill. Moreover, there should be consideration of  the intent of those who publish such information, failing which the law would ultimately stifle freedom of expression, including of creative expression.
Also the lack of definition for ‘unauthorised data’ in Section 7 (2b) and “unsolicited messages” in Section 30 makes the bill open to misinterpretation and abuse by state authorities.
On the issue of pornography, the Bill should not proscribe the offence of pornography in general, particularly where not shared in public and where all parties that access it are adults. As is currently framed, Section 14 can be used to abuse individuals’ right to privacy. Besides, a clear definition of pornography which is “lascivious” or “obscene” should be added to the Bill.
Sections 31, 32, 33, 34 and 35 of the bill provide excessive powers to the police for search and seizure of computer systems; and disclosure of data. These sections should provide clear guidelines, safeguards and oversight, including the requirement for a warrant issued by a competent court of law before any search and seize or disclosure of data is to be undertaken.
For section 31, owners of the property or other independent parties should also be witness to such activity by the police for the safety of the equipment and data seized to be guaranteed.
According to Section 32 (1), “where disclosure of data is required for purposes of criminal investigation or the prosecution of an offence, a police officer in charge of a police station or a law enforcement officer of a similar rank may issue an order to anyperson in possession of such data compelling him todisclose such data.” This section needs to be adjusted to include police officers first obtaining a court order before compelling any person to disclose data.
On the disclosure of data in Clause 32 (3) b, there should be a clear indication as to the kind and extent of information a service provider can provide. Service providers should be required to report subscriber information requests in the public domain on a regular basis.
Further, there needs to indicate means of storage, retention period and methods of disposal for data collected or recorded through technical means as provided under Section 35 (b).
In regard to Section 37 (9), where service providers are required to support the installation of forensic tools, for purposes of transparency they should be compelled to provide reports of such requests made to them.
Section 41 provides for that  a hosting provider is not liable for information stored at the request of a user of the service, however following orders from any “competent authority” or court, the provider has to take down offending information. The Bill should name the authority or authorities who can issue an order to a hosting provider. The Bill should also indicate what the course of action in the event that a hosting provider does not comply with the order or where the owner of the information wants to contest the take-down order issued by the competent authority.
In regard to “Take down notifications” as provided in Section 45, service providers should notify the persons upon whom a complaint has been lodged, including the reason for the take down.
Also a section compelling service providers to periodically release takedown requests and actions taken to the public should be included.
There is no indication on the rights the users have of their data nor how it is protected once in the hands of the state, thus further putting citizens’ data at risk especially in the absence of a data privacy and protection law.
The Bill was this week tabled in Parliament by Communication, Science and Technology Minister Professor Makame Mbarawa.  However, in their discussions Members of Parliament should consider the amendments proposed by civil society so that the country gets a progressive law that strongly supports freedom of expression and the right to privacy.
 

Access to Information in Tanzania: Laws, Policies and Practice

By Lillian Nalwoga |
Despite the absence of a Right to Information law in Tanzania, advancements in the adoption of Information and Communication technology (ICT) in the country are enabling wider information availability in the public domain.
However, several impediments still stand in the way of citizens’ enjoyment of the right to information as guaranteed by the Constitution.
According to a new report by the Collaboration on International ICT Policy in East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), provisions under various laws and regulations, some as old as 40 years, have been used to restrict access to information.

“ Every person – (a) Has a freedom of opinion and expression of his ideas; (b) Has a right to seek, receive and/or disseminate information regardless of national boundaries; (c) Has the freedom to communicate and a freedom with protection from interference from his communication; and (d) has a right to be informed at all times of various important events of life and activities of the people and also of issues of importance to the society” Article 18 of the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania of 1977.

There has been slow progress in drafting an access to information law, with the process stalling since 2006, when the first Freedom of Information Bill was introduced by government. The absence of this law has made it cumbersome for those seeking information from public bodies.
The country is currently undergoing a Constitutional review process, with Articles 29 and 30 of the draft Constitution containing more elaborate and explicit provisions on freedom of expression, freedom of information and media freedom.
Although the proposed Constitution has been commended by civil society as a positive step towards promoting access to information in Tanzania, other existing laws such as The Newspapers Act, 1976, The National Security Act, 1970, The Public Service Act, 2002 and The Public Leadership Code of Ethics Act, 1995, would undermine these freedoms.
The Newspaper Act in particular has been used by law enforcement agencies against independent media and journalists. The Mwanahalisi newspaper was in July 2012 banned indefinitely under Section 25 of the Act, while Mwananchi was suspended for 90 days in September 2013.
Nonetheless, the government has in recent years made various attempts to make more public sector information available and to allow citizens to file queries, opinions, and complaints and provide feedback to public bodies. Notable efforts include the Open government data portal, Tanzania Government Portal, the central government portal, e-Government portal, the publication of reports by the National Audit Office and the Tanzania Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (TEITI).
However, the CIPESA report notes that the information provided through these efforts is not regularly updated, is often in non-reusable formats and may not necessarily meet the needs of the public in terms of language or nature of information released.
On the positive side, some results can be pointed towards these government efforts in fostering improved government openness and accountability. The move by the Controller and Auditor General (CAG) to release its financial audit reports sparked public debate online and in Parliament over the mismanagement of funds, leading to the resignation and demotion of some public leaders in December 2014.
Meanwhile, civil society advocacy efforts to advance access to information are also on the rise. Initiatives such as that launched by the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Tanzania in 2010 to assess the most transparent and most secretive government institutions in the country have led to government recognition and acknowledgment of the need for increased transparency.
In addition, the Coalition on the Right to Information (CORI) consisting of 11 member organisations is working towards campaigns and awareness workshops to influence the government to enact the Freedom to Information law.
With a teledensity of 68 phone connections per 100 inhabitants and internet usage estimated at 9.3 million users, more Tanzanians are starting to realise the opportunities ICT offers in promoting transparency and good governance.
The research report recommends the use of a combinations of ICT, such as radio, print media, bulk SMS and automated calls in addition to public notice boards and community meetings to advance access to information in Tanzania.
Other recommendations towards improving freedom of expression, media freedom and access to information include  the enactment of the Access to information legislation, amending or repealing outdated laws such as The Newspapers Act of 1976, the Public Leadership Code of Ethics (Declaration of Interests, Assets and Liabilities) Regulations, and the National Security Act of 1970.
There is also the need to safeguard the rights and privacy of internet users through the enactment of cyber laws, including the adoption of a data protection and privacy law.
Further, the report recommends that all government Ministries, Departments and Agencies should make use of available ICT platforms including portals and social media to release more information into the public domain while awareness on use of ICT among citizens to access or seek public information should be promoted by all stakeholders.
Read the full CIPESA study on The Right to Information in Tanzania: Insights on the Laws, Policies and Practices