One Year In: Covid-19 Deepening Africa's Democratic Regression

By CIPESA Staff Writer |

In September 2020, our research on the State of Internet Freedom in Africa established that the ultimate effect of the measures instituted in fighting Covid-19 was that they had deepened the democracy deficit in several African countries. This was because, increasingly, more states in the region had fallen short of living up to their citizens’ democratic expectations as they implemented measures to fight the pandemic.

Prior to the Covid-19 pandemic, Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) was faring badly in its democratic credentials, fighting for bottom position with the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Of the 44 African countries included in the Economist Intelligence Unit Democracy Index for 2019, half were characterised as authoritarian regimes and many of the others were semi-authoritarian.

As anticipated, it has gotten worse. According to the Democracy Index for 2020, the number of authoritarian regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa last year rose from 22 to 24 – more than half of the 44 countries in the region that the index covered. Burkina Faso and Mali were the new entrants to the unsavoury ranks of authoritarian regimes. Many Sub-Saharan African countries are concentrated at the bottom of the index, and the region boasts just one “full democracy” – Mauritius. During 2020, 31 countries in the region were downgraded, eight stagnated, and just five scored better.

“After experiencing two consecutive years of significant setbacks, democracy in Africa appears to be in a perilous state,” notes the index. The region’s overall average score “fell to by far the lowest score for the continent since the index began in 2006.” The fight against Covid-19, muddled and stolen elections, and insecurity (including Jihadist insurgencies in west Africa), all played their part in the democratic regression experienced in the region.

As is shown in the 2020 edition of the State of Internet Freedom in Africa report, a plethora of regressive measures were introduced in fighting the pandemic, and they had starkly undermined democracy, marked by a dwindling respect for rights to expression, information, assembly, and privacy. In many instances, these measures resulted in a lower level of stakeholder engagement in public affairs and a decline in governments’ transparency and accountability.

Deepening the Democracy Deficit: The democratic regression in a number of countries in the region could persist beyond the Covid-19 crisis, unless the measures imposed are reversed and deliberate efforts are taken to promote greater respect for fundamental rights and freedoms.

While the Arab Spring was a turning point on digital rights in the region, Covid-19 could be another profoundly negative watershed moment. The Arab Spring, during which social media aided organising against autocratic regimes, some of which were overthrown, opened the eyes of many African authoritarian regimes to the power of digital technologies, and they went ahead to make laws to prescribe cyber crimes, to enable interception of communications, to control use of online platforms, and they started instituting measures such as website blockages, censorship of short messaging services, and disruption of networks. – State of Internet Freedom in Africa 2020

According to the index, world over the biggest regressions during 2020 occurred in the most authoritarian countries, where regimes took advantage of the global health emergency caused by the coronavirus pandemic to persecute and crack down on dissenters and political opponents.

Full democracy Flawed democracy Hybrid regime Authoritarian regime
Mauritius Cape Verde Malawi Mali Eswatini
Botswana Madagascar Mauritania Guinea
South Africa Senegal Burkina Faso Togo
Namibia Liberia Angola Cameroon
Ghana Tanzania Gabon Djibouti
Lesotho Kenya Mozambique Guinea-Bissau
Uganda Ethiopia Eritrea
Zambia Niger Burundi
Sierra Leone Zimbabwe Equatorial Guinea
Benin Congo Brazzaville Chad
Gambia Rwanda CAR
Ivory Coast Comoros DRC
Nigeria

The index states that the decline in Africa’s overall democracy score in 2020 was partly driven by coronavirus-related lockdowns, which had a negative bearing on civil liberties, including stripping citizens of their freedom to assemble and travel, and causing severe interruption to livelihoods. There was high-handedness of the police in enforcing curfews, in such countries as Nigeria (where police killed people in enforcing the lockdown), Kenya and Senegal.

Africa’s deterioration was also precipitated by declining scores for many countries in the category of electoral process and pluralism, with disputed elections in Tanzania and Guinea cited as examples. Of note, Malawi’s standing improved on account of a smooth election held during the year, in which the incumbent president was defeated by an opposition candidate.

Yet some countries saw Covid-19 as an opportunity to stifle opposition campaigns during election times. The index states: “Constraints placed on political activity – applied disproportionately for the opposition – ahead of January 2021 elections in Uganda illustrated how autocrats use the excuse of new threats such as coronavirus to crack down on the opposition and hold on to power during a time of crisis.”

Covid-19 control measures have chipped away at many of hallmarks of a democratic society, such as the ability by citizens to participate in civic matters and the conduct of public affairs. In the countries where civil liberties have been eroded the most, growing hostility of governments to dissenting opinions, including on their handling of Covid-19, has contributed to the adoption of stringent measures and the enactment and enforcement of repressive laws on surveillance, fake news and criminal defamation and practices such as legal threats, intimidation, arrests, detentions, prosecutions, and state surveillance.

These measures have, in turn, forced human rights defenders, journalists, activists, the political opposition, and ordinary citizens to self-censor, disengage from participating in public affairs, and refrain from exercising their rights to participate online and offline. This has been the case in countries such as Zimbabwe, Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, Egypt, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Morocco, Kenya, and Algeria. Yet, in the absence of engaged citizens, the respect for human rights, including the rule of law, suffers. Such a trend, if left unchecked, could persist well beyond the coronavirus crisis.

While Covid-19 could have served as a driver towards improving access and use of Information and Communications Technology (ICT) in Africa, it has potentially widened the digital divide on the continent, yet for the most part the actions of many governments have undermined, rather than promoted, greater access and affordability of digital technologies.

Although technology can play an important role in containing the pandemic, its application should not violate human rights. In most countries, the measures introduced to check the spread of Covid-19 were necessary to address a public health emergency, but some were applied beyond the intended purpose, and need to be revised to imbed human rights principles. As it is, the imposition of unregulated, unchecked and excessive emergency measures by governments in collaboration with non-state actors during the pandemic period raises fundamental questions on their commitment to protecting digital rights. Thus, the debate about the ethics and legality of measures undertaken, and the extent of the associated risks, is imperative in resetting digital rights amidst the Covid-19 fallout.

See more of our work on the impact of Covid-19 in the African digital rights and democracy landscape.

One Year In: Covid-19 Deepening Africa’s Democratic Regression

By CIPESA Staff Writer |

In September 2020, our research on the State of Internet Freedom in Africa established that the ultimate effect of the measures instituted in fighting Covid-19 was that they had deepened the democracy deficit in several African countries. This was because, increasingly, more states in the region had fallen short of living up to their citizens’ democratic expectations as they implemented measures to fight the pandemic.

Prior to the Covid-19 pandemic, Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) was faring badly in its democratic credentials, fighting for bottom position with the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Of the 44 African countries included in the Economist Intelligence Unit Democracy Index for 2019, half were characterised as authoritarian regimes and many of the others were semi-authoritarian.

As anticipated, it has gotten worse. According to the Democracy Index for 2020, the number of authoritarian regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa last year rose from 22 to 24 – more than half of the 44 countries in the region that the index covered. Burkina Faso and Mali were the new entrants to the unsavoury ranks of authoritarian regimes. Many Sub-Saharan African countries are concentrated at the bottom of the index, and the region boasts just one “full democracy” – Mauritius. During 2020, 31 countries in the region were downgraded, eight stagnated, and just five scored better.

“After experiencing two consecutive years of significant setbacks, democracy in Africa appears to be in a perilous state,” notes the index. The region’s overall average score “fell to by far the lowest score for the continent since the index began in 2006.” The fight against Covid-19, muddled and stolen elections, and insecurity (including Jihadist insurgencies in west Africa), all played their part in the democratic regression experienced in the region.

As is shown in the 2020 edition of the State of Internet Freedom in Africa report, a plethora of regressive measures were introduced in fighting the pandemic, and they had starkly undermined democracy, marked by a dwindling respect for rights to expression, information, assembly, and privacy. In many instances, these measures resulted in a lower level of stakeholder engagement in public affairs and a decline in governments’ transparency and accountability.

Deepening the Democracy Deficit: The democratic regression in a number of countries in the region could persist beyond the Covid-19 crisis, unless the measures imposed are reversed and deliberate efforts are taken to promote greater respect for fundamental rights and freedoms.

While the Arab Spring was a turning point on digital rights in the region, Covid-19 could be another profoundly negative watershed moment. The Arab Spring, during which social media aided organising against autocratic regimes, some of which were overthrown, opened the eyes of many African authoritarian regimes to the power of digital technologies, and they went ahead to make laws to prescribe cyber crimes, to enable interception of communications, to control use of online platforms, and they started instituting measures such as website blockages, censorship of short messaging services, and disruption of networks. – State of Internet Freedom in Africa 2020

According to the index, world over the biggest regressions during 2020 occurred in the most authoritarian countries, where regimes took advantage of the global health emergency caused by the coronavirus pandemic to persecute and crack down on dissenters and political opponents.

Full democracy Flawed democracy Hybrid regime Authoritarian regime
Mauritius Cape Verde Malawi Mali Eswatini
Botswana Madagascar Mauritania Guinea
South Africa Senegal Burkina Faso Togo
Namibia Liberia Angola Cameroon
Ghana Tanzania Gabon Djibouti
Lesotho Kenya Mozambique Guinea-Bissau
Uganda Ethiopia Eritrea
Zambia Niger Burundi
Sierra Leone Zimbabwe Equatorial Guinea
Benin Congo Brazzaville Chad
Gambia Rwanda CAR
Ivory Coast Comoros DRC
Nigeria

The index states that the decline in Africa’s overall democracy score in 2020 was partly driven by coronavirus-related lockdowns, which had a negative bearing on civil liberties, including stripping citizens of their freedom to assemble and travel, and causing severe interruption to livelihoods. There was high-handedness of the police in enforcing curfews, in such countries as Nigeria (where police killed people in enforcing the lockdown), Kenya and Senegal.

Africa’s deterioration was also precipitated by declining scores for many countries in the category of electoral process and pluralism, with disputed elections in Tanzania and Guinea cited as examples. Of note, Malawi’s standing improved on account of a smooth election held during the year, in which the incumbent president was defeated by an opposition candidate.

Yet some countries saw Covid-19 as an opportunity to stifle opposition campaigns during election times. The index states: “Constraints placed on political activity – applied disproportionately for the opposition – ahead of January 2021 elections in Uganda illustrated how autocrats use the excuse of new threats such as coronavirus to crack down on the opposition and hold on to power during a time of crisis.”

Covid-19 control measures have chipped away at many of hallmarks of a democratic society, such as the ability by citizens to participate in civic matters and the conduct of public affairs. In the countries where civil liberties have been eroded the most, growing hostility of governments to dissenting opinions, including on their handling of Covid-19, has contributed to the adoption of stringent measures and the enactment and enforcement of repressive laws on surveillance, fake news and criminal defamation and practices such as legal threats, intimidation, arrests, detentions, prosecutions, and state surveillance.

These measures have, in turn, forced human rights defenders, journalists, activists, the political opposition, and ordinary citizens to self-censor, disengage from participating in public affairs, and refrain from exercising their rights to participate online and offline. This has been the case in countries such as Zimbabwe, Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, Egypt, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Morocco, Kenya, and Algeria. Yet, in the absence of engaged citizens, the respect for human rights, including the rule of law, suffers. Such a trend, if left unchecked, could persist well beyond the coronavirus crisis.

While Covid-19 could have served as a driver towards improving access and use of Information and Communications Technology (ICT) in Africa, it has potentially widened the digital divide on the continent, yet for the most part the actions of many governments have undermined, rather than promoted, greater access and affordability of digital technologies.

Although technology can play an important role in containing the pandemic, its application should not violate human rights. In most countries, the measures introduced to check the spread of Covid-19 were necessary to address a public health emergency, but some were applied beyond the intended purpose, and need to be revised to imbed human rights principles. As it is, the imposition of unregulated, unchecked and excessive emergency measures by governments in collaboration with non-state actors during the pandemic period raises fundamental questions on their commitment to protecting digital rights. Thus, the debate about the ethics and legality of measures undertaken, and the extent of the associated risks, is imperative in resetting digital rights amidst the Covid-19 fallout.

See more of our work on the impact of Covid-19 in the African digital rights and democracy landscape.

Online Meeting: Promoting Transparent Covid-19 Data Governance In Uganda

Invitation |

March 6, 2021 is Open Data Day, an annual celebration of open data all over the world which provides an opportunity to show the benefits of open data and encourage the adoption of open data policies in government, business, and civil society. This year, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), in partnership with the Open Institute will convene an online discussion to understand how decisions regarding the access and use of data in Uganda are made. 

Discussion Panel

  • Stella Alibateesa; Director for Regulation and Legal Services at NITA-Uganda
  • Dorothy Mukasa – Chief Executive Officer, Unwanted Witness
  • Bernard Sabiiti – Senior Strategic Partnerships & Engagement Manager,  Development Initiative
  • Atek Kagirita – Covid-19 incident commander at the Ministry of Health
  • Gabriel Iguma – Talk show host, Radio One (Moderator)
Join the online meeting on March 6, 2021 at 10h00-11h30 (EAT)
Register here

Skilling Distributed Digital Security Trainers Amidst Growing Digital Rights Attacks

By Neil Blazevic, Andrew Gole and Ashnah Kalemera |

Amidst increased attacks on digital rights activists, journalists, and human rights defenders (HRDs) during the Covid-19 pandemic, it has become crucial to grow the capacity of these actors to operate securely. A key concern is that, in many African countries, skills in digital security and safety are lacking among some of the most at-risk groups, yet trainers and support networks are in short supply.

Without adequate digital security capacity, activists and HRDs are not able to meaningfully continue advocacy and engagements around human rights, transparent and accountable governance, during and in the aftermath of Covid-19. Accordingly, through the Level-Up programme, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) has provided security support to 16 HRD organisations in Kenya, Ethiopia, Tanzania, South Sudan and Uganda. 

The initiative helped to strengthen the participating entities’ organisational and information systems security capacity, entailed a Training of Trainers (ToT) component – which benefitted 19 individuals – to grow the network of individuals and organisations that offer digital security training and support to journalists, activists, and HRDs, and organisational security assessments. The training and support were delivered through innovative approaches to geographically distributed individuals that could not meet physically due to Covid-19 social distancing and travel restrictions.

Covid-19 and Digital Attacks

In the wake of the global outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic and government measures to curb its spread, digital technologies have played a vital role in enhancing disease surveillance, coordinating response mechanisms, and promoting public awareness in Africa. The potential of technology to facilitate containment of the spread of the coronavirus on the continent notwithstanding, concerns over surveillance, violation of rights to privacy, freedom of expression, access to information, and freedom of association and assembly were prevalent. 

Scores of journalists and bloggers in Kenya, Guinea, Uganda, Egypt, among others, were assaulted, detained, and/or prosecuted over their reporting on Covid-19; while some countries such as Kenya, Uganda and South Africa were reported to be conducting cell phone tracking of Covid-19 suspected patients and their contacts. Some others passed regulations and/or invoked laws that criminalised the spreading of false Covid-19 information. Accordingly, there have been fears that in the aftermath of the pandemic, some governments could shift the Covid-19 surveillance apparatus and lessons learnt to undermine digital rights, by surveilling and silencing critics and opponents. 

Meanwhile, hackers and adversaries are capitalising on the increased time spent online and remote working by a large portion of the population by designing new attacks through phishing and hijacking of virtual meetings, among others. Worryingly, despite a large gender disparity in digital access, more women face various forms of online violence than their male counterparts, which continues to undermine their participation online. With Covid-19 resulting in increased incidents of gender-based violence, it is imperative to continue activism and equip activists with digital security and safety skills.

Organisations supported Technologists supported 
Countries: Uganda (8) | Tanzania (4) | South Sudan (2) | Kenya (1) | Ethiopia (1)

Sectors: Sexual minorities (4), Environmental/resource extraction (1) Feminist/women’s rights organisations (3), Information access (1), Journalists/media (1), Human rights, democracy, human rights defenders (6)

Gender: Female (7) |Male (12)

Nationality: Uganda (8) | Ethiopia (3) | South Sudan (1) | Tanzania (4) | Kenya (3)

Assessing Organisational Security

Following an initial training on conducting organisational security assessments, the technologists led assessments to determine the status, challenges, past and potential future threats, and attacks on organisations, as well as the capacity of the organisations. The results of the assessments provided insight into the needs and vulnerabilities of the organisations and served as an opportunity to provide feedback to organisational IT staff on quick fixes and strategies to address some of the challenges or incidents identified. Technology solutions explored included the use of Umbrella for DNS server protection, Automox for patch management, and Microsoft 365 hosted tenants for an organisational management and security suite.

The findings of the assessments indicated a need to bolster capacity, organisational practices, and implementation of security and safety measures related to social media platforms usage by the organisations and staff. Several organisations reported losing access to their brand assets, experiencing hacking, and harassment on social media platforms. To this end, a Social Media Asset Continuity and Security Tool was designed and another  training for technologists conducted focused on 1) Continuity of organisation control of organisational Facebook/Twitter/Whatsapp for Business accounts; 2) Security of individual staff accounts; and 3) Staff ability to deal with harassment and unwanted messaging on platforms. The technologists went on to conduct safety and security on social media training sessions which  benefitted 120 staff of the participating organisations. Other skill-up sessions conducted included on organisational management suites and website security. 

Overall, the programme found that skills and protections (software and hardware) were low and inadequate among many HRD organisations and individuals. Also, there were variable levels of technology integration within the organisations. 

The various gaps identified were rising during the pandemic when many entities could not readily access support networks and training skills due to restrictions on gatherings arising from Covid-19, making the intervention particularly timely. Indeed, the ToT model helped to transfer skills and knowledge among distributed beneficiaries and build support networks in-country.

Réactions des Télécoms à la Covid-19 au Sénégal

Par Astou Diouf |

Le Sénégal a enregistré son premier cas de Covid-19 le 2 mars 2020. Trois semaines plus tard, le 23 mars, le pays a déclaré l’état d’urgence et pris diverses mesures pour freiner la propagation du virus. En réponse à la pandémie, l’Autorité de Régulation des Télécommunications et des Postes (ARTP) a apporté une contribution financière de 117 millions de francs CFA (216 000 dollars US) à la “Force Covid-19”. L’ARTP a également réuni les fournisseurs de services de télécommunications au Sénégal pour solliciter leur soutien dans le cadre des mesures d’urgence.

L’appel aux opérateurs de télécommunications a été lancé en reconnaissance du rôle de la technologie dans les stratégies de riposte à la Covid-19 et du taux de pénétration de l’internet du pays qui est passé de 68,49 % en 2018 à 88,73 % en 2020. En effet, les principaux opérateurs de télécommunications au Sénégal ainsi que l’Agence de l’Informatique de l’État (ADIE) ont joué un rôle décisif dans la lutte contre le virus dans le pays.

Structure administrative autonome, l’ADIE est le principal levier pour la mise en œuvre de la politique et des initiatives d’e-gouvernement en coordination avec les ministères, départements et agences du gouvernement. En réponse à la pandémie, l’ADIE a mis en place une plateforme accessible via covid19.gouv.sn permettant d’accéder à des informations fiables sur la Covid-19, notamment des conseils pratiques et des vidéos de sensibilisation, ainsi que des statistiques sur la propagation du virus au moyen d’une carte interactive. En outre, un “chatbot Doctor covid” accessible sur Whatsapp a été mis en place avec une voix intégrée en français et en wolof.

Les Sénégalais de la diaspora n’ont pas été laissés pour compte dans les efforts de l’ADIE. Afin de garantir un accès équitable à l’aide d’urgence mise à la disposition des citoyens dans le cadre de la task-force Covid-19, l’agence a mis en place une plateforme en ligne pour enregistrer les citoyens à l’étranger afin qu’ils puissent bénéficier de l’aide.

L’ADIE a également mis en place un système de vidéoconférence pour faciliter les réunions à distance entre le Président et le Conseil des ministres. Un système similaire a été mis en place pour le ministère de la Santé et de l’Action Sociale, avec la fourniture de smartphones pour faciliter la communication sur le terrain et la coordination entre les équipes d’intervention.

La SONATEL, qui détient la part du lion (53%) du marché des télécommunications mobiles au Sénégal, a également mené une série d’actions de soutien à la lutte contre la Covid-19. En plus du don de matériel médical au centre Diamniadio, la Sonatel a fourni au ministère de la Santé des Pompiers pour renforcer la capacité du centre d’appel national gratuit contre la Covid-19 (800 00 50 50) et des services de communication gratuits via un groupe fermé d’utilisateurs. En outre, la Sonatel a diffusé des messages de sensibilisation à ses abonnés, a mené une campagne baptisée “Héros en blanc” qui rend hommage au personnel médical du pays et a soutenu l’enseignement à distance avec le Pass éducation gratuit de 1 Go pour l’accès aux contenus éducatifs.

Pour les entreprises et les personnes morales, la Sonatel a facilité le télétravail grâce à l’augmentation de la bande passante en fibre et à la fourniture gratuite de 3 Go de données mobiles pour les abonnés dans le cadre d’Orange Business Services.

Free Senegal est le deuxième opérateur téléphonique du Sénégal avec 25% de part de marché. Comme son homologue Sonatel, Free Senegal a envoyé des messages de sensibilisation à ses abonnés, mettant en avant les mesures préventives à la Covid-19. Il a également fourni une bande passante gratuite et a supprimé les frais de transaction d’argent mobile pour les abonnés ; et a fait un  don d’équipements au ministère de la santé, entre autres, en réponse à la Covid-19.

Au niveau opérationnel, Expresso Sénégal a annoncé des plans pour retarder le déploiement de son réseau 4G. Dans une déclaration à l’Agence de presse sénégalaise (APS), l’opérateur a indiqué que “dans un contexte marqué par une crise sanitaire sans précédent et en raison de l’état d’urgence décrété par le gouvernement, Expresso Sénégal reporte le déploiement de son réseau 4G”.

Si les différentes interventions ci-dessus sont louables, certaines d’entre elles constituent une menace pour les droits numériques. Par exemple, le ministère de la santé, en collaboration avec les opérateurs de télécommunications, a mis en place un système de traçage des contacts par téléphone portable pour freiner la propagation du virus au sein de la communauté. La Commission de protection des données personnelles (CDP) a “béni” ces efforts de traçage des contacts, en assurant aux abonnés que la confidentialité et la sécurité des informations personnelles seraient respectées.

En outre, l’adoption de la technologie dans le cadre des efforts de riposte à la Covid-19 est entachée par les faibles niveaux de culture numérique, ainsi que par l’accessibilité et le coût de l’internet, non seulement chez les fonctionnaires, mais aussi chez les groupes marginalisés, notamment les populations rurales, les femmes et les personnes handicapées. Parallèlement, les efforts de numérisation des gouvernements restent limités, certains services publics tels que l’enregistrement des actes d’état civil (naissance, mariage et décès), le signalement des crimes, les permis de séjour et les services de passeport nécessitant souvent une présence physique – contrairement à la volonté des citoyens de rester chez eux.

Les divers efforts du gouvernement et des télécoms mentionnés ci-dessus ont été déterminants dans la lutte contre la Covid-19 au Sénégal en facilitant la mise en place d’équipes d’intervention d’urgence, le travail à distance et l’apprentissage. Cependant, il y a place pour des abus du droit des citoyens à la vie privée et à la liberté d’expression, ainsi que pour l’élargissement de la fracture numérique et l’inhibition de l’accès à l’information. Il est essentiel que les interventions basées sur la technologie contre la Covid-19 soient à la fois inclusives et respectueuses des droits humains. Il faut pour cela que la société civile plaide davantage contre les mesures régressives, et que les opérateurs de télécommunications et le gouvernement fassent des efforts pour améliorer la connectivité rurale, la numérisation et l’accessibilité numérique des groupes marginalisés.

Astou Diouf est une boursière du CIPESA 2020 qui se concentre sur le rôle des intermédiaires et des fournisseurs de services Internet dans la lutte contre la Covid-19 au Sénégal, notamment sur des questions telles que la facilitation d’un accès accru à l’Internet, les atteintes à la vie privée et aux données personnelles, et la réglementation des contenus.