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  HomeCollaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA)  /  Uganda
12Aug

Rollout of Digital Number Plates Poses Privacy Concerns in Uganda

Author CIPESA Posted on

By CIPESA Writer |

The rollout of the digital number plate system in Uganda is well underway. At a press conference last month, the Ministry of Works and Transport announced January 2025 as the deadline for full roll out. The system – over two years in the making – is a joint project between the government of Uganda and Russian company Joint Stock Company Global Security and has caused alarm among rights activists as it introduces another layer of massive personal data collection and processing amidst weak controls.

The stated objective of the Intelligent Transport Monitoring System (ITMS) is to improve the country’s transport management systems and security by enabling the authorities to “swiftly identify vehicles involved in criminal activities and improve traffic management through efficient ticketing and revenue collection”. It will involve the installation of digital number plates on all vehicles and motorcycles in the country, allowing security agencies to track and pinpoint their location at any one time.

  Overview of ITMS
Digital Number Plate ComponentsStatus of Fitment on Government Vehicles as at June 2024Target Installations (Registered Vehicles as at July 2024)
Aluminium plates – front and back1,0912,145, 988
A tracker
A sim chip
Bluetooth beacons – front and back
Snap locks

Once rolled out, the digital plates will add to the catalogue of surveillance apparatus in Uganda. The country already has a plethora of retrogressive laws, such as the Regulation of Interception of Communications Act 2010 and the Anti-Terrorism Act 2002 that require communication service providers to aid in intercepting communication by ensuring that their systems are always technically capable of supporting lawful interception. The laws also grant powers to an authorised officer to intercept the communications of a person and to conduct surveillance of individuals.

The components of the digital number plates will enable the government through its security agencies, such as the police, to swiftly identify vehicles and their owners. Instantaneous data exchanges pose major challenges to data privacy, especially in cases where there are calculated targets such as civil society organisations (CSOs), human rights defenders (HRDs), activists, and political opponents, government critics, or dissidents.

An added concern is that, according to the Uganda Police, the digital number plate system will be integrated with the Closed Circuit Television System (CCTV) system and others such as the motor vehicle registration system, the e-tax system managed by the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) and the national identity database managed by the National Identification and Registration Authority (NIRA) to “ensure comprehensive vehicle and personal identification.” Given weak controls over data held by public bodies and rare punishment for data breaches and unauthorised access, linking these databases absent clear data-sharing frameworks and robust controls poses grave concerns. Notably, Uganda does not have a law or regulations governing CCTV/ video surveillance.

Whereas there are efforts to localise parts of the system through the establishment of a local production facility for the various components, the partnership with Joint Stock Company Global Security underscores Uganda’s reliance on foreign entities for purposes of conducting surveillance and interception of private communication of its citizens. For example, in August 2022, there were reports that the Uganda Police had purchased UFED, a technology developed by the Israeli firm Cellebrite that enables authorities to hack into password-protected smartphones.

Earlier, starting in 2018, Uganda turned to a Chinese company, Huawei, for the supply and installation of CCTV across major cities. The decision to install the CCTV cameras came on the heels of a spate of murders that had engulfed the country, with the security forces keen on using the CCTV cameras to improve security in the country. Like many other government security procurements, the CCTV deal raised a lot of transparency and accountability issues, including the secrecy that surrounded the entire process.

Additionally, there were reports that security agencies were working with Huawei technicians in Uganda to spy on opposition critics by intercepting encrypted communications and using cell data to track their movements. This appeared to be the continuation of a trend that was documented earlier in 2012, when the Uganda government reportedly relied on a Germany-made spyware, FinFisher, which it is said to have covertly installed in various places, including hotels, the parliament and key government institutions, for purposes of surveilling on its opponents, including politicians, civil society, and the media.

Given the country’s history of repressing the civic space and harassing political opponents, CSOs and HRDs, the ITMS digital number plates could further the suppression of civil liberties, including political participation, freedom of expression, access to information and assembly and association. Moreover, deeper democratic regression could occur since these liberties largely depend on privacy and the ability to express oneself with minimal interruptions or interference.

While the government has a legitimate desire to improve the security of its people and transport management, recent events as discussed above where the same government has used the acquired technologies to surveil its citizens and undermine digital rights, it is critical that any future attempt to enhance its surveillance apparatus is anchored in law with clear oversight mechanisms. This is because the deployment of surveillance technologies such as ITMS, FinFisher, and Huawei’s CCTV present a veritable avenue for economic and political exploitation by collecting extensive data on people’s behaviour, location, activities, and interests online and offline. This makes the risk of violation of privacy apparent, rendering citizens helpless because they essentially have no control over how the data will be used, even when they are aware that data is being collected.

It is, therefore, important that the government reduce its reliance on foreign-manufactured surveillance technologies, particularly from countries whose human rights record is wanting, as these have tended to use these tools to suppress civic spaces. In addition, the government should reconsider its regulatory framework to ensure it conforms to international standards on privacy and data protection, especially during the procurement and deployment of potentially intrusive technology that is prone to abuse.

10Jul

Is Foreign Malign Influence Inspiring Digital Authoritarianism in Uganda?

Author CIPESA Posted on

By CIPESA Writer |

A new policy brief by the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) on the deteriorating state of digital rights in Uganda examines whether the east African country is drawing inspiration from China for its brand of digital authoritarianism.

Uganda is ranked as “Partly Free” by Freedom House’s annual Freedom on the Net report, with the biggest contributing factor being the repressive laws governing the digital civic space and surveillance, particularly those that enable internet censorship, network disruptions, and deployment of surveillance technologies such as spyware and video surveillance.

China has been a notable source of support in developing Uganda’s digital communication and other infrastructure. For example, Chinese telecom firm Huawei helped set up a video surveillance system for the Uganda Police, and reportedly aided security agencies to spy on political opponents in the country. China has also organised numerous study tours for Ugandan officials and journalists that are centred on popularising its economic and governance systems.

The brief illuminates how China and its model of governance and state surveillance may be influencing or inspiring retrogressive laws and undermining digital rights in Uganda. It explores the legal reforms necessary to advance digital rights in Uganda and the role that legislators, civil society organisations, human rights defenders (HRDs), and journalists should play.

Uganda has mirrored some practices from China, a country which various global indices consider a leading player in digital authoritarianism. While it is not patently clear whether China has directly influenced legislation in Uganda, the brief notes that “it has arguably inspired some of the legal frameworks and practices that fuel digital authoritarianism in the east African country.”

There is ample evidence indicating that African autocracies are exploiting the adoption of Chinese technology and model of internet controls to roll back democratic gains through surveillance and censorship.

China invested more than USD 110 million in Uganda’s National Backbone Data Transmission Project and also supported the National Fibre-Optic Project. There are suggestions that the national backbone and fibre-optic projects are part of a digital infrastructure that has enhanced the Uganda government’s surveillance capabilities that violate the right to privacy and freedom of expression.

China has continually buttressed its influence over Uganda’s social-economic development through the seemingly no-strings-attached loan schemes that have often been acknowledged and praised by President Museveni. This non-interference policy in the internal affairs of other countries allows their governments greater leeway to suppress dissent and democratic processes without facing criticism or repercussions from China.

By contrast, the Uganda government or senior public officials have during 2023 and 2024 attracted sanctions by the United States of America, the United Kingdom, and the World Bank over governance and human rights concerns. As such, the Chinese no-governance-strings-attached model is criticised for emboldening authoritarian tendencies in the countries it partners with.

However, the brief states that claims of China actively seeking to export its governance model and influencing local laws and practices in Africa are often anecdotal and inconclusive. Moreover, such claims and, often, the evidence they advance, assume that African governments are incapable of developing home-grown systems of governance and thoughtlessly rely on models from other continents.

Recommendations

Uganda should resist all foreign influence and models that promote digital authoritarianism and undermine democracy. The country’s laws must respect internationally recognised human rights standards and promote the use of a free, open, and safe internet.

The brief makes several recommendations, such as:

  • Parliament should strengthen legal and regulatory frameworks by amending or repealing regressive and oppressive frameworks to ensure responsible and ethical use of surveillance technology.
  • Parliament should enact laws that specifically protect journalists, whistle-blowers, human rights defenders, and activists from wanton threats, arrests, and prosecutions over legitimate online communications and activism that advances social accountability, respect for human rights, and good governance.
  • Civil society should conduct evidence-based research into the actions of foreign actors and how they adversely impact local laws, policies, and democratic governance.
  • Various stakeholders, including academia, the media, and lawyers, should engage in public interest litigation to challenge provisions in legislation that limit the exercise of digital rights.

See the full policy brief here.

04Jun

Job Opportunity: Project Assistant

Author CIPESA Posted on

Call for Applications |

The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) is seeking a Project Assistant to support implementation of activities under the USAID/Uganda Civil Society Strengthening Activity (CSSA).

Job Title: Project Assistant

Location: Kampala, Uganda

Duration: Two (2) years Full time with a possibility of renewal

Reports to: Project Officer

Job Summary:

The Project Assistant will support in the planning, execution, monitoring and reporting of the Civil Society Strengthening Activity at CIPESA. Duties include assisting in research, capacity building/training, outreach and advocacy. The position is based at CIPESA’s offices in Kampala, Uganda, with frequent travel within the country.

About CIPESA

Established in 2004, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy in East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) is a leading centre for research and analysis of information aimed to enable policy makers in the region to understand ICT policy issues, and for various multi-stakeholders to effectively use ICT to improve governance and livelihoods. CIPESA works to defend and expand the digital civic space to enable the protection and promotion of human rights and to enhance innovation and sustainable development. We  focus on disparate actors including government, the private sector, civil society, media, policy makers and multinational institutions.

The Project

The Uganda Civil Society Strengthening Activity (CSSA) is a five-year  USAID-funded Activity (now in the Fourth year of implementation) that is implemented by East-West Management Institute (EWMI) in partnership with the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law (ICNL). Under the project, CIPESA works to contribute to Component 3, whose goal is to promote a more supporting enabling environment that sustains a vibrant civil society in Uganda; increased in-country resources and capacity of CSOs to navigate government requirements and restrictions; and Ugandan-led initiatives to improve the CSO enabling environment. Activities include providing legal technical assistance, assisting CSOs to navigate and adapt to the restrictive environment and enhancing multi-sectoral CSO collaboration to promote and defend the enabling environment.

Duties and Responsibilities:

  • Assist in organising trainings in media and information literacy, digital safety, digital rights.
  • Organise stakeholder engagements at national and regional levels.
  • Produce information, education and communication materials for awareness raising and advocacy on the project including through blogs, briefs, commentaries and impact stories.
  • Support research undertakings including data collection and analysis.
  • Conduct field visits and follow up meetings with project beneficiaries.
  • Liaise with CSSA partners on activity progress, deliverables and opportunities for collaboration.
  • Assist with strategic planning, reporting as well as monitoring and evaluation.
  • Perform any additional admin and project related activities as assigned that will enhance CIPESA’s work.

Qualifications and Skills:

  • A bachelor’s degree in law, project planning and management, social sciences, communication, social work and social administration, or related disciplines.
  • Two or more years of experience in programming with a reputable institution, preferably in civil society.
  • Understanding of the digital civic space in Uganda.
  • Excellent verbal, written, and presentation skills.
  • Knowledge of project management principles, practices, techniques and procedures including planning and project implementation.
  • High level of motivation, integrity, and commitment to teamwork.
  • Strong work ethic with an unwavering commitment to quality and professionalism.
  • Proficiency in the use of Microsoft Office Suite and all applications including Excel and PowerPoint.
  • Great team player with capacity to establish and maintain effective working relationships with staff, partners and the public.

How to Apply:

Applications including a cover letter outlining how you fit the job requirements and your areas of expertise; a CV; two writing samples (or alternative samples of your work); salary expectations, names and contacts of two referees should be submitted to [email protected].

The deadline for submissions is June 14, 2024, at 18.00 East African Time.

02Apr

The Pursuit for Digital Security among Women Journalists in Uganda

Author CIPESA Posted on

By Juliet Nanfuka |

The media sector in Uganda has grown exponentially since its liberalisation in the 1990s, which saw a shift away from state-owned media to the pluralism of print media, radio and television stations and the eventual entry of digital media at the turn of the century. Yet despite this, women journalists appear to have remained on the periphery of the media industry and, in more recent times, are bearing the brunt of a society that continues to make attempts at muting them, particularly through online spaces.  

The Human Rights Network for Journalists (HRNJ) in Uganda has documented a concerning rise in violations and abuses against female journalists between 2017 and 2022. Although there was a slight decrease in incidents in 2020 and 2021, there was a resurgence thereafter, with reported cases increasing to 17% in 2022 compared to 12% in 2017. These abuses have included  instances of sexual and gender-based harassment of female journalists while at work and in the field, as well as  attacks in online spaces.

Indeed, research shows that the attacks experienced by women journalists in online spaces include sexist comments, age, and body shaming, as well as character assassination. Further, stories related to politics triggered more attacks than other beats as perpetrators accuse journalists of being politically biased. More recent developments have seen these attacks further exacerbated by the increasing use of artificial intelligence and the ease of access to bots.

Yet, women journalists who experience abuse online rarely seek justice and often struggle to have their complaints taken seriously and properly investigated. Thus, according to a study by UNESCO and the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), the full extent of online violence against female journalists remains unknown However, there are numerous illustrative cases that indicate that Technology Facilitated Gender Based Violence (TFGBV) against women journalists is a growing problem not only in Uganda, but across the continent.

At a workshop hosted in March 2024, by UNESCO and CIPESA to further insights and awareness on the  State of Media Freedom and Safety of Journalists in Africa participants narrated their online experiences on trolling, attacks, threats and concerns about surveillance and limited practical skills or legal recourse in how to navigate incidents. Some participants noted that they had withdrawn from social media spaces, and limited their interactions only to closed platforms such as Whatsapp, while others indicated high levels of self-censorship in the nature of the content they posted.

Additionally, there was a common concern regarding the uncertainties surrounding various aspects of the Internet. This included discussions about the protective measures implemented by platforms, such as the prompt takedown of malicious or harmful content once reported.

Present at the workshop were 40 participants representing a mix of radio and television stations, print media and online content creators based in Kampala. Speakers at the workshop included Jan Ajwang, Projects Manager at Media Focus on Africa, Isabella Akitung, a Human Rights Policy Consultant, Jimmy Haguma, the Head of Electronic Counter Measures at Uganda Police, and Rehema Baguma, an Associate Professor of Information Systems, Makerere University and Sylvia Musalagani, Head of Safety Policy  Africa, Middle East and Turkey at Meta.

Each speaker made distinct contributions to the workshop, including a call for the plight of rural-based journalists in Uganda to be recognised when it comes to TFGBV, the recognition of the impact that online attacks have not only on victims but on the broader community of existing and aspiring women journalists, and the continuing efforts of the Uganda Police in addressing technology-related affronts to women and girls in the country.

Similarly, it was noted that Meta is working on its proactive detection and removal of harmful content in a bid to improve the experiences of more women across its different platforms. However, the growing pervasive use and presence of AI amongst more users remains a concern that more users should be aware of and pursue more proactive measures to better detect its presence in misinformation and disinformation narratives.

Meanwhile, running concurrently with the discussion was a Digital Security Cafe which entailed tailored practical responses to the digital security concerns that the participants had about their phones and laptops.

This practical support served as an extension of CIPESA’s digital resilience work in Africa, which includes the provision of the Digital Security Hub at the annual Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica),  the Road to FIFAfrica annual digital security campaign and an ongoing digital security assessment for human rights defenders in Uganda.

The workshop was hosted in partnership with the Media Challenge Initiative and the Uganda Radio Network. Similar workshops and Digital Security Cafe’s are planned for women journalists, media practitioners, and content producers in Ethiopia and Tanzania as part of efforts aimed at bridging this work between Women’s Day and World Press Freedom Day.

28Mar

Online Activism is Moving the Dial on Social Accountability in Uganda

Author CIPESA Posted on

By Peter G. Mwesige |

The viral #UgandaParliamentExhibition hashtag campaign on X on the excesses of the Ugandan parliament has once again put digital media at the centre of debate on citizen agency in the demand for transparency and accountability from duty bearers.

Fifteen years or so ago, the jury was still out on whether digital platforms including social media were a boon to citizen participation or the bane of meaningful political action. Even more recently, “hashtag activism” or what some called “slacktivism” was still being dismissed as “performative activism” that inhibited offline participation or created the illusion of participation.

The debate remains unsettled, but there is no denying that social media platforms have “democratised access to information” and offered alternative avenues for citizens to amplify their voice in the demand for accountability from those that hold power.    

The Ugandan online exhibitions were started last year by Dr. Jimmy Spire Ssentongo, an academic, cartoonist, and social commentator. He has described them as “an open invitation to the public, to whoever has an issue about a particular institution or sector to come out … a public initiative to demand for accountability; to showcase things (people) are not happy about; to showcase their pain.”

From the #UgandaPotholeExhibition, the #UgandaHealthExhibition, the #UgandaNGOExhibition (where the activists appeared to devour their own), the #UgandaLabourExhibition, the #UgandaSecurityExhibition and so on, activists have been joined by Ugandans from all walks of life to shine the torchlight on pressing public concerns.

The #UgandaParliamentExhibition is slightly different. It has been organised under the AGORA Centre for Research, the brainchild of journalist and lawyer Agather Atuhaire, who recently won the U.S. State Department International Women of Courage Award (and last year won the European Union’s Human Rights Defenders’ Award in Uganda), fellow lawyer Godwin Toko, and others. Sharing evidence from official records, highlighting standout posts on digital flyers, throwing in the occasional handwritten satirical stingers from Ssentongo, and complementing tweeting with X Spaces, AGORA has flooded the zone with evidence of abuse of public funds at parliament. The vociferous Anthony Natif of Public Square and exiled activist and author Kakwenza Rukirabasaija have also lit up the exhibition.

In a space of about two weeks the #UgandaParliamentExhibition laid bare the scope of the abuse of public funds in the August House as well as blatant nepotism and favouritism in recruitment of staff.  The exhibition laid this at the door of the Speaker of Parliament Anita Among and the Parliamentary Commission that she heads, whose members include the Prime Minister, the Minister of Finance, the Leader of the Opposition (LoP) and a few Members of Parliament (MPs) representing both the ruling party and the opposition.

At the heart of the expose is the billions of shillings that have been spent in travel allowances, and the so-called corporate social responsibility by the Speaker, as well as the “service awards” that were passed as “personal to holder” for the former LoP Mathias Mpuuga and Commissioners Solomon Silwany, Prossy Akampurira Mbabazi, and Esther Afoyochan, all representing the ruling National Resistance Movement. Mpuuga bagged Uganda Shillings (UGX) 500 million, equivalent to 130,000 US Dollars (USD) while three Commissioners received UGX 400 million each.

The service award for the former LoP has already caused a storm in his party, the National Unity Platform, which has asked him to resign from the Commission. Other interest groups, such as the Uganda Law Society, have also weighed in, saying by participating in a meeting that passed awards which would benefit them personally, Mpuuga and the other commissioners violated the Leadership Code. 

The Speaker has refused to entertain any debate on what has been exposed by the #UgandaParliamentExhibition despite calls by a number of MPs that the institution should be held accountable in the same way it holds other government agencies to account. She remained adamant last week when new LoP Joel Ssenyonyi condemned the “deafening silence” by parliament on the issues raised on social media and the ruling party “rebel MP” Theodore Ssekikubo demanded a response to the “grave allegations” of impropriety and profligacy. “Me to answer you on hearsay, on things you have cooked on social media because I have said no to bum-shafting, I will not,” Among responded.

“Bum-shafting” was a derogatory reference to homosexuality, which is outlawed in Uganda. Under Among’s stewardship, parliament last year passed the Anti-Homosexuality Act, 2023, attracting backlash from the international community that has seen Uganda lose development funding.

Interestingly, Speaker Among had previously commended the online exhibitions. During the #UgandaHealthExhibition last year, she “urge(d) both public servants and political leaders to take feedback from the public in good faith and use it to improve further.”

President Yoweri Museveni had earlier responded to the #KampalaPotholeExhibition by directing the Ministry of Finance to release UGX 6 billion for emergency road repairs in the city. He has this time joined the Speaker to condemn the online activists. “How can you talk so much about Anita Among? (What) about those working for foreigners? We are going to expose those traitors,” Museveni said on March 23, 2024, after commissioning the Speaker’s Bukedea Teaching Hospital and College of Health Sciences in her home district. 

Clearly, online activism has moved the dial on social accountability. The government and others who have been the subject of the exhibitions may not always be responsive, but they can’t claim they haven’t heard the voice of the people.

One can argue that the traction of online social justice campaigns makes the riskier street protests unnecessary. Indeed, in a country where public demonstrations on hot button issues have been criminalised in complete disregard of the constitutional right of citizens to protest and petition the government, the alternative offered by digital platforms should be embraced.

But the digital warriors leading these campaigns still face the same risks that the street activists before them confronted – such as surveillance, online smear attacks, threats of arrests and other forms of intimidation. Accordingly, online activism should not be seen as a replacement of traditional forms of protest. As Dr. Ssentongo argued when he appeared on Robert Kabushenga’s #360Mentor X Space in April last year, it should not be an either-or-question. “Those who can organise online should and those who can organise (through) other means should (also do so),” he said.

The other issue that has been raised quite a lot especially during the #UgandaParliamentExhibition is the failure of the traditional news media (newspapers, radio, and television) to uncover the corruption in parliament.

The credibility of the journalists who cover parliament has taken a major knock, but this does not mean social media should replace mainstream media as our only sources of news as some have suggested.

In defence of the journalists who are still passionate about public affairs reporting, the gatekeeping bar for what gets to be published in the major media houses is much higher. On social media, anything goes, although to AGORA’s credit, most of the information they have released about parliament has been verified.

But it would be unrealistic to expect citizen-driven online campaigns to bring the same “discipline of verification” parliament’s Director of Communication and Public Affairs Chris Obore, a former journalist, seems to demand. Social media will always be messy. Just like democracy, some would say.

We need a multiplicity of platforms (both digital/social media as well as credible mainstream media) to provide information about what is happening in parliament and other public sectors, provide the public with platforms for debate, and hold duty bearers accountable.  

And we need sustained pressure both online and offline to continue driving the demand for accountability and meaningful change. In a democracy, what has been exposed through Uganda’s online exhibitions would have been enough to drive action and change. But in a country where leaders are openly contemptuous of public opinion, and where the public cannot count on free and fair elections to kick out those who abuse their trust, online activists and other social justice actors still have their work cut out.

About the author: Dr. Peter G. Mwesige is Chief of Party of the USAID Your Rights Activity led by CIPESA.

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