Africa in the Crosshairs of New Disinformation and Surveillance Schemes That Undermine Democracy

By Daniel Mwesigwa |

A range of spyware vendors including Italian Hacking Team, the Anglo-German Gamma Group, and Israeli’s NSO Group, have found a ready market in authoritarian and repressive governments in Africa and elsewhere. Similarly, systematic propaganda campaigns designed by meddlesome actors – including government agents and ambitious data analytics companies such as Cambridge Analytica working on behalf of state and non-state actors – are becoming conspicuous in Africa, especially during electoral periods. 

The tools and tactics of these operators, who are mostly non-African, are increasingly undermining democracy and respect for human rights in Africa, as they enable mass surveillance and disinformation that manipulates and undermines political discourse. 

For example, Chinese tech giant Huawei and its technicians were implicated in an August 15, 2019 exposé by The Wall Street Journal that detailed how the company’s staff had helped the Uganda Police to hack into the encrypted communications of an opposition figure. As a result, the security officers were able to thwart the opposition leader’s mobilisation plans. The article also stated that technicians from Huawei had helped Zambian authorities to access the phones and social media pages of a group of opposition bloggers who were tracked and arrested. 

Through security vulnerabilities, spyware tools and products give governments, notably intelligence and law enforcement authorities, super powers to surveil using covert intrusion systems across major mobile platforms and operating systems. In 2016, the Citizen Lab, an interdisciplinary lab working at the intersection of global affairs and technology at the University of Toronto, uncovered Pegasus – a sophisticated malware developed by the NSO Group that is injected into a target’s phone via text or WhatsApp, a popular messaging tool in Africa. The Citizen Lab has since identified Pegasus operations in over 45 countries including Algeria, Egypt, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Morocco, Rwanda, South Africa, Togo, Uganda, and Zambia. But NSO has reportedly bragged time and again how it can penetrate various operating systems and applications irrespective of the security patches.

According to the 2019 State of Internet Freedom in Africa Report, the “surveillance state” in Africa gained notoriety at the turn of the decade, after the infamous Arab Spring that swept across North Africa in 2011, allegedly amplified by dissident voices on social media. The report documents how repressive states such as Tanzania, Uganda, Ethiopia, Botswana, and Rwanda have since boosted their surveillance capabilities through procurement of advanced spyware. In 2015, it was revealed that Uganda and Tanzania had procured Hacking Team’s premium Remote Control System (RCS) for intrusion into systems across major mobile platforms and operating systems. 

More recently, the Financial Times reported that Rwanda paid up to USD 10 million to the NSO Group to spy on government critics and dissidents through WhatsApp – an allegation Rwanda president Paul Kagame denied in a presidential press briefing held on November 8, 2019, only acknowledging that they spy on “our enemies” using “human intelligence”. He added, “I wouldn’t spend my money over a nobody [Rwandan exiles] yet we have sectors like education to spend such money”. 

But Kagame’s denial is to be taken with a pinch of salt. In 2016, a Rwandan court sentenced a popular singer, Kizito Mihigo, to 10 years in prison on allegations of conspiracy to overthrow the government, based on hacked private WhatsApp and Skype messages exchanged with alleged dissidents in exile. 

The alleged Rwanda cases appear to be linked to others of NSO infiltrating the WhatsApp accounts of journalists, human rights activists, political dissidents, prominent female leaders, and other members of civil society in up to 20 countries, which prompted Facebook (the owners of WhatsApp) to sue NSO in October 2019. The lawsuit brought by Facebook in the U.S Federal Court accuses the spyware maker of hacking into the WhatsApp accounts of 1,400 users worldwide. While there are scanty details on the exact identities of the affected, it is reported that 174 are lawyers, journalists, human rights defenders and religious leaders.

According to the Financial Times, those targeted in Rwanda, six of whom it interviewed and they confirmed being alerted by WhatsApp about the possible NSO-enabled surveillance of their communications. These included a journalist living in exile in Uganda, who had petitioned the Uganda government “to help protect Rwandans in the country from assassination”; South Africa and UK-based senior members of the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), an opposition group in exile; an army officer who fled Rwanda  in 2008 and testified against members of the Rwandan government in a French court in 2017; and a Belgium-based member of the FDU-Inkingi opposition party.

Meanwhile, some foreign powers are purportedly testing, as New York Times recently reported, “New Disinformation Tactics in Africa to Expand Influence”. The report detailed how the Wagner Group founded by businessman Yevgeny Prigozhin, who allegedly has close ties to the Russian government, has over the last couple of years been running aggressive disinformation campaigns on Facebook. 

It is reported that Prigozhin’s campaign used locally-opened Facebook accounts to disguise behaviour and also used sham news networks that regularly reposted articles from Russia’s state-owned Sputnik news organisation to promote Russian policies while undermining US and French policies in Africa. On October 31, 2019, Facebook reportedly removed these accounts that were influencing operations “in the domestic politics” of eight African countries – Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Congo Brazzaville, Ivory Coast, Madagascar, Mozambique, and Sudan.

Earlier in 2019, Facebook reportedly shut down a separate “fake news” operation targeting elections in African countries such as Nigeria, Senegal, Togo, Niger, Angola, and Tunisia, propagated by “inauthentic” accounts on Facebook and Instagram run by Israeli commercial firm, Archimedes Group.  Between 2013 to 2017, governments such as Kenya and Nigeria reportedly hired Cambridge Analytica to manipulate their electorate in a bid to win presidential elections for the incumbents.

Besides the disinformation campaigns linked to Russian actors, and the Israel-made spyware, there are also facial recognition surveillance programmes such as the Huawei’s “Smart Cities”, which has been deployed in 12 African countries. This phenomenon is referred to by some as an export of digital authoritarianism. 

It is now evident that governments and non-state actors face an uphill task of combatting the governance challenges caused by this phenomenon. Accordingly, governments, with the help of tech platforms, need to understand what legislation and policies, including oversight and enforcement mechanisms, are necessary to strengthen the protection of democracy and human rights in the rapidly changing digital world.

How Social Media Taxes Can Burden News Outlets: The Case of Uganda

By Juliet Nanfuka |
In July 2018, the government of Uganda implemented a tax on individual users of social media platforms. In the first three months following the introduction of the tax in the country, internet penetration dropped from 47 percent to 35 percent. Given that a significant amount of news circulation now happens via social media and messaging apps, how might this new tax impact the news media ecosystem? The negative effects on news media are less direct and arguably more pernicious than might be expected.
See the full report published on the Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA) website as part of the Open Internet for Democracy Leaders Initiative.

Leveraging ICT to Promote the Right to Information in Uganda: Insights from Ask Your Government Portal

By Loyce Kyogabirwe |
Despite the existence of legal and regulatory frameworks that promote the right to information, access to public information remains a big challenge in Uganda. The potential of ICT to promote citizens’ access to information is widely acknowledged and in 2014, the government and civil society partners launched the Ask Your Government (AYG) web platform that allows citizens to make online information requests to government Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs).
However, four years on, it is evident that most citizens might not be aware of their right to information let alone the procedures for accessing information and data that is held by public bodies. Meanwhile, public officials continue to ignore citizens’ information requests despite efforts to equip both the duty bearers and rights holders, including information officers, journalists as well as women’s rights organisations,  with knowledge and skills on rights and responsibilities.
User statistics from the AYG portal show an increase in the number of requests as well as number of public agencies registered on the portal. Between 2014 and 2016, only 243 requests were submitted to 76 agencies. But by June 2018, the number of information requests submitted had reached 2,450, to 106 MDAs (20 Ministries, 60 Departments and Agencies and 26 to Local Government Officials).  

Use of the Ask Your Gov Uganda platform between 2013 and 2018

The highest number of information requests have been submitted to the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) –  350 between June 2014 and June 2018, followed by the Ministry of Defence with 152.
However, the nature of requests lodged still indicates a misinterpretation of what falls under a public information request as most of the submissions are related to internships and Tax Identification Numbers (TIN). Perhaps this is an indication of the priority information needs of many of the portal’s users.  
Also of concern is the low response rate to information requests. Of the 2,450 requests submitted between June 2014 and June 2018, only 121 have been indicated as successful and and 102 as partially successful, representing an average response rate of 9%.  Less than 1% of requests (20) were rejected while those still awaiting responses are 2,074 or 85%. The 85% can be regarded as refusals under section 18 of the Access to Information Act (ATIA), 2005 which states: “an information officer fails to give the decision on a request for access to the person concerned within the period contemplated under section 16, the information officer is, for the purposes of this Act, regarded as having refused the request.”  The response period is 21 days.
In some cases where public information was requested, users were advised to visit the respective MDAs in order to access such information. For example  Davidson Ndyabahika, a journalist working with Uganda Radio Network, requested for statistics of enrolment and performance of both private and public primary and secondary schools in Ntungamo District from 2010 to 2016 from the Ministry of Education and Sports. He was advised to physically visit the Ministry offices where he would be cleared first before accessing such information. Such a response  indicates challenges with digitised information storage and retrieval among public agencies although section 10 of the Act mandates information officers to ensure that records of a public body are accessible.
Equally, there are cases where limitations of the portal have emerged and information has been withheld because it can only be provided after payment of the statutory search fees. The ATIA specifies a non-refundable access fee of Uganda Shillings (UGX) 20,000 (USD 5) which remains a high cost for the majority of the population.
The limited levels of government responsiveness to information requests and uptake of AYG by both citizens and public officials impact upon initiatives working to promote access to public information for social accountability and civic engagement. This calls for more capacity enhancement, sensitisation and awareness raising among public officials of their duties and responsibilities as laid down in the Access to Information Act.  Likewise, MDAs ought to utilise the different ICT platforms and tools to proactively release public information as prescribed in the Act and make efforts to ensure that citizens are aware of such information and where to find it.
Under Section 7 of the Act, public bodies are mandated to compile manuals containing descriptions, addresses, the nature of work, services and how to access information within six months after the commencement of the Act. However, 13 years since the law was passed, only the Ministry of Lands and Urban Development has adhered to this requirement. Indeed the ministry was in 2015 awarded the most responsive public entity as part of commemoration of International Day for Universal Access to Information (IDUAI).
Likewise, section 43 of the Act requires every minister to submit an annual report to Parliament on requests for records or access to information made to a public body under his or her ministry indicating acceptance or rejection, and reasons for rejection. However, there has never been any report from ministers since 2005 when the Law was passed, and Parliament has never demanded for such reports.
Meanwhile there should be efforts to continuously empower citizens to fully exercise their right of access to information as stated in Article 41 of the Constitution and Section 5 of the ATIA. Such efforts include capacity building of different demographic groups such as women, youth, persons with disabilities (PWDs), journalists, and teachers to demand for public information relating to service delivery and accountability while utilising different ICT platforms and tools including the AYG portal. Public officials should also be empowered to utilise these tools to proactively share public information with citizens.
The AYG is an initiative of the Ministry ICT and National Guidance in partnership with the Africa Freedom of Information Centre (AFIC) and the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

CIPESA Submits Comments to Uganda Communications Commission on Improving Access to ICT for Persons With Disabilities

By Daniel Mwesigwa |

Last year, Uganda’s communications regulator commissioned a study to establish the status of access and usage of Information and Communications Technology (ICT) by Persons With Disabilities (PWDs). In response to a call for comments, CIPESA made submissions to the commission, which could help various government agencies to devise strategies that meaningfully improve usage of digital technologies by PWDs.

According to Uganda’s statistics bureau, persons with disabilities comprise 16% of the country’s population of 37.5 million. However, they face various limitations in accessing and using ICT tools and services. The draft report of the study commissioned by the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) shows that national ownership of a radio and a mobile phone among PWDs was high at 70% and 69% respectively. Ownership of fixed-line telephones, desktop computers and laptops was very low at 0.5%, 1% and 3.9% respectively. However, 15% of respondents’ households had access to the internet.

Below are highlights from CIPESA’s submission:

1. Disaggregate results by type of disability

While the report highlights respondents’ type of disability (61% had a physical disability, 31% were visually impaired, and 2% had a hearing impairment), it does not show how the nature of disability affects access and usage of ICT. Persons with disabilities are not a homogeneous group and the nature of disability influences how they may perceive, be able to access and to use ICT. It may not be possible therefore to address the distinct needs of different categories of PWDs if data is not disaggregated by type of disability – as indeed it should be disaggregated based on gender, location, income, among other demographics.

2. Comparative analysis of data

The report provides ICT access and usage figures for PWDs (e.g. 69.4% mobile phone ownership; 3.9% had laptop computers and 1% desktop computers; 15% of households had access to the internet). However, these numbers need to be presented and analysed alongside overall national statistics on access and usage if they are to offer direction on the remedial actions needed.

3. Taxes deepening exclusion

Only 14% of respondents had access to a bank account compared to 86% that accessed financial services through other mechanisms such as mobile money, and village savings and loan associations. One third (33%) had access to mobile money, which is lower than the national average of 55%. Further, 41% of the respondents lacked access to any form of financial services, compared to the national average of 22% that is financially excluded.

Worryingly, majority of PWDs (66%) said their use of social media had reduced with the introduction last July of the Over The Top (OTT) tax, while 26% said they were no longer using social media. Only 8% had not changed their usage levels. According to the report, 52% of PWDs access social media on their phones, while 12% access it on their computers.

As CIPESA has previously found, OTT platforms and mobile money networks had considerably eased the lives of PWDs. For example, platforms like WhatsApp were used to disseminate critical information among individuals with hearing impairment before the added cost of using social media rendered them unaffordable to many, who already faced challenges in finding employment and often relied on financial support from others. For UCC and other relevant Uganda Government institutions, these findings should not be taken lightly and should inform policy in this area.

4. Awareness and usage of assistive technologies

Assistive technologies are products, devices, or equipment, used to maintain, increase, or improve the functional capabilities of individuals with disabilities. A very concerning finding in the Report is that 76% of PWDs were not aware of the low-cost Assistive Technologies like manual Perkins Brailler, hand-held magnifiers, hand frames/slates and communication boards. Only 14% of respondents were aware of the Perkins Brailler yet its usage was low at 4%. Just 13% of the respondents were aware of magnifiers yet only 2% used them. Issues of awareness of these technologies, their cost and availability, are apparent. The UCC should offer subsidies for assistive technologies through the universal service access fund, the Rural Communications Development Fund (RCDF).

5. Privacy and data protection

The right to privacy is a core entitlement for every individual under article 27 of the Uganda Constitution. The Persons With Disabilities Act, 2006, section 35 protects PWDs from arbitrary or unlawful interference with their privacy. However, the report does not assess PWDs awareness of their privacy rights or data security skills. Such an assessment is necessary to inform remedies including on capacity development.

6. Public and private sector compliance

Consistent with international conventions and instruments such as the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), as well as domestic laws such as the national constitution, Persons With Disabilities Act 2006, and the National IT and Disability Policy, the emphasis on inclusion and non-discrimination for PWDs cannot be overlooked if the country is to attain her development goals.

As the government works towards implementing the ICT and Disability Policy, the emphasis on Website Accessibility Guidelines (WAG) can be fast-tracked by auditing compliance with the 2014 ‘Guidelines for Development and Management of Government Websites’ which were developed by the National Information Technology Authority Uganda (NITA-U). Entities that do not comply with universal accessibility standards should be sanctioned.

Further, the Equal Opportunities Commission, working with other relevant entities, should require government ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) and private enterprises which offer public services to prepare annual statements in which they report on how they have worked towards increasing accessibility and inclusiveness for PWDs.

The full submission can be read here.

Social Media Tax Cuts Ugandan Internet Users by Five Million, Penetration Down From 47% to 35%

By Juliet Nanfuka |

The tax which the Uganda government introduced on use of social media last July has slashed the number of internet users in the country by five million in three months, according to figures from the industry regulator, the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC). The numbers also show that revenue from the tax is far from the windfall which government had predicted the tax would add to the national treasury.

The figures released by the commission show that only half of the country’s internet subscribers were paying the Over-The-Top (OTT) service tax in the third month after its introduction. Those paying the tax fell from eight million subscribers in July to 6.8 million in September. In June 2018, a month before the introduction of the tax, the internet penetration rate in Uganda stood at 47.4% (18.5 million internet users) but three months later, it had fallen to 35% (13.5million users).

Monthly revenue from the tax was equally on a downward trend, falling from Uganda Shillings (UGX) 5.6 billion (USD 1.5 Million) in July 2018, to UGX 4.09 billion (USD 1.1 Million) in August 2018 and further to UGX 3.96 billion (USD 1.08 Million) in September 2018.

The figures from the UCC  suggest that many internet users may have stopped accessing the internet altogether since July. But they also reflect the growing number of Ugandans who are using virtual private networks (VPNs) as a means to continue accessing social media while avoiding to pay the daily  OTT tax of UGX 200 ( USD 0.05).

The figures from the regulator appear to confirm the fears expressed by many upon the introduction of the tax, that it would harm the sector by undermining internet access and affordability, while also threatening access to information and freedom of expression.

Upon the introduction of the social media taxes last July, the government had anticipated revenue collections of up to UGX 400 billion (USD 108 million) per annum, while projections from the June 14 national budget speech for the fiscal year 2018/19 had projected that up to UGX 486 billion (USD 131 million) could be collected annually by 2022. 

Earlier this month, Uganda’s ICT minister Frank Tumwebaze hinted that his ministry may have been misled by the finance ministry  into supporting the tax on the assumption that it would widen the country’s revenue base. Accordingly, parliament’s committee on Information and Communication Technology (ICT) ordered the ICT ministry to conduct an assessment on the impact of the social media tax and share their views with the finance ministry.   

Earlier studies forecast the negative impact of the tax. The Alliance for Affordable Internet (A4AI) said the tax would likely push basic connectivity further out of reach for millions, as it would disproportionately and negatively impact low-income Ugandans and their ability to affordably access the internet. It explained that, where the richest Ugandan would experience an increase of 1% in their cost to connect, this cost to connect for Uganda’s poorest would jump by 10%, resulting in just 1GB of data costing them nearly 40% of their average monthly income. According to the World Bank, the average national income stands at USD 630 per annum. 

According to the  2017/18 Uganda National Information Technology Survey, social media platforms are some of the popular avenues for citizens to engage with each other, and to  pursue businesses and education opportunities. At least 76% of the survey respondents cited the price of internet subscription as a key limitation to their internet use. This was followed by concerns over slow internet speeds and the lack of connectivity in some areas.

Image: Internet use limitations in Uganda | Source: 2017/18 Uganda National IT Survey

A study by Research ICT Solutions warned that the OTT tax could lead to lower tax revenues including costing up to UGX 2.8 trillion (USD 760 million) in forgone GDP growth and UGX 400 billion (USD 109 million) in taxes per year. The study argued that removing all excise duties across the ICT sector would lead to more tax revenues by facilitating economic growth and growing tax revenues across all sectors. It added that the more Ugandans that have broadband access, the easier it will be to serve them with e-governance, e-health, e-education and financial services while also growing tax revenues faster.

At an August 2018 multistakeholder meeting hosted by the Collaboration on International ICT Policy in East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) and the Internet Society Uganda Chapter, stakeholders called for the government to reassess its position on the taxation to ensure a more inclusive financial economy and digital society that does not discriminate or disenfranchise already marginalised and vulnerable communities, including persons with disabilities (PWDs), women, youth and rural communities. Participants at the meeting stressed that the government should instead look at available alternatives for raising government revenue without necessarily taxing citizens and suffocating Uganda’s nascent digital economy.

A study released by Pollicy indicated that many social media users have found the OTT tax frustrating  despite 56% of respondents indicating that they pay the tax compared to the 38% who opt to utilise VPN and the 3% who  access social media platforms through free Wi-Fi.