Civil Society Statement on Kenya’s Telegram Shutdown

Statement |

As civil society organizations and stakeholders in the Information, Communication and Technology (ICT) sector committed to Digital Rights and Internet Freedom, we are deeply concerned about the Kenyan government’s recent decision to block access to the Telegram social media platform. 

According to an unverified letter circulating online from the Communications Authority of Kenya (CA) to service providers (Safaricom, Airtel, Telkom Kenya and Jamii Telecommunications) on 31 October 2024, the operators were required to “use all available mechanisms to suspend the operation of Telegram Inc in the country”.  The suspension was ordered to prevent cheating during the national examinations period on weekdays until 22nd November 2024.  Moreover, the ongoing internet disruption has been confirmed by web connectivity tests from OONI and Netblocks, as well as independent tests by Tatua

Internet disruptions like these undermine fundamental human rights and freedoms outlined in the International Bill of Rights to which the Kenyan government is a party and the Kenyan Constitution. Likewise, they disrupt economic activity and weaken democratic values by limiting the rights to Access to Information and Freedom of Expression, Assembly and Association.

This action also goes against the principles outlined in the Global Digital Compact (GDC), which emphasizes the importance of a universal, open, and secure internet. The GDC, part of the commitments that governments endorsed in the Pact of the Future, discourages internet shutdowns, noting their harmful impact on human rights, democracy, and economic growth, and calls for transparent and accountable solutions to address issues in the digital space. At a time when global standards are pushing for universal, secure, and open internet access, national policies must align with these principles rather than undermine them.

Kenya’s commitment to internet freedom appears to be on a worrying downward trend. We note with concern that there was an internet disruption on 25 June, less than 6 months ago, during the protests against the Finance Bill, 2024. A similar blocking of the Telegram App was implemented in November 2023. Such repeated actions not only curtail rights but also erode public trust in digital governance.

While we recognize the importance of maintaining exam integrity, we urge the Kenyan government to explore alternative, lawful and rights-respecting measures to tackle this issue. Instead of blocking the application or disrupting the internet, authorities are encouraged to pursue criminals who breach confidential examination documents and seal loopholes in examination processes. Such alternative actions to tackle this issue can be explored through multi-stakeholder consultations ensuring that they are human rights-respecting. Disrupting the internet or blocking social media access as in this case goes against the three-part test under international human rights law of legality, legitimacy, necessity and proportionality. A stable, secure and accessible internet should remain a priority, especially given its critical role in supporting the digital economy, education, livelihoods, and civic engagement.

We call on Kenyan authorities and the CA in particular, to immediately retract the letter to service providers, and for service providers to restore access to Telegram and commit to upholding digital rights and internet freedom. We also urge policymakers to consult civil society and other key stakeholders to develop sustainable, rights-based strategies to address digital governance challenges without resorting to internet disruptions. 

Endorsed on November 9, 2024 by:

Afia-Amani Grands-Lacs

African Internet Rights Alliance (AIRA)

Africa Media and Information Technology Initiative (AfriMITI)

Afrika Youth Movement

Article 19 East Africa

Bloggers Association of Kenya (BAKE)

Brain Builders Youth Development Initiative

Centre for Artificial Intelligence Ethics and Governance in Africa (CAIEGA)

Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD)

Center for the Study of Organized Hate (CSOH)

Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA)

Collaborative for Peace

Consortium of Ethiopian Human Rights Organizations (CEHRO-Ethiopia)

FactCheck Africa

Gonline Africa

Human Rights Journalists Network Nigeria

Impact Foundation For Youths Development

Internet Without Borders

Internet Society Kenya Chapter

KICTANet

Kijiji Yeetu

Media Rights Agenda (MRA)

Paradigm Initiative (PIN)

Roots Africa Inc.

Tech & Media Convergency (TMC)

The Internet Governance Tanzania Working Group (IGTWG)

Tribeless Youth (TY)

VANGUARD PRESS BOARD UDUS

Women of Uganda Network (WOUGNET)

West African Digital Rights Defenders Coalition

The SaferNet Initiative

This article was first published by KICTANET on November 09, 2024.

Explorer le paysage complexe des droits numériques au Sahel : Parole aux défenseurs

Par Simone Toussi |

Les pays de la région sahélienne, tels que le Burkina Faso, le Mali et le Niger, présentent un environnement périlleux pour les défenseurs des droits humains, au moment où des régimes militaires s’enlisent au pouvoir. L’espace numérique, autrefois perçu comme un symbole de liberté d’expression et d’accès à une information plurielle, est progressivement assiégé, les droits à la vie privée, à la liberté d’expression et à l’accès et au partage d’informations y étant de plus en plus restreints.

Si ces pays font face à des problématiques numériques communes à d’autres pays francophones d’Afrique – interruptions d’Internet, surveillance étatique, censure en ligne et instrumentalisation des lois sur la cybersécurité et la désinformation –, le renversement des gouvernements civils par l’armée y a aggravé le niveau d’autoritarisme.

Lors du Forum sur la liberté de l’Internet en Afrique – organisé par la Collaboration sur les Politiques Internationales des TIC pour l’Afrique de l’Est et Australe (CIPESA) et AfricTivistes en septembre 2024 à Dakar, Sénégal – des experts se sont réunis pour discuter des défis croissants et des opportunités en matière de droits numériques dans la région. Le panel a élucidé la position précaire des défenseurs des droits humains et le rôle ambivalent des technologies numériques, qui exacerbent autant qu’elles offrent des solutions à ces défis.

Dans le cadre des efforts de CIPESA pour lutter contre les troubles de l’information en Afrique subsaharienne et équiper les acteurs au plaidoyer pour de lois numériques plus justes, le panel a abordé des questions critiques relatives aux droits numériques ainsi que des problématiques sociales pressantes comme l’inégalité de genre, les conflits armés et la détérioration de la liberté de la presse, tout en examinant le cadre réglementaire émergent y afférent.

Les défenseurs des droits humains au Sahel, notamment les activistes pour les droits des femmes et les journalistes, rencontrent d’immenses difficultés en raison de l’instabilité politique, de la violence armée et des régimes autoritaires, qui imposent de sévères restrictions à la liberté de la presse, à la circulation de l’information et aux activités de la société civile.

Djibril Saidou, de International Media Support (IMS), a souligné que les défis des droits numériques au Sahel vont au-delà de la protection de la liberté d’expression. « Il s’agit de garantir l’accès à l’information sur des questions urgentes comme les droits des femmes et les conflits armés », a-t-il déclaré. Dans ces contextes difficiles, il a affirmé que les efforts d’intervention devraient se concentrer sur la résistance à la censure et le renforcement de la résilience des défenseurs des droits numériques et de la démocratie.

Chantal Nare, blogueuse féministe de Bloggueuses226 et activiste burkinabè, a partagé son expérience de militante pour les droits des femmes dans un environnement aussi fragile. Elle a évoqué la peur constante de représailles et de surveillance, qui entrave l’expression libre, même sur les plateformes numériques. Chantal a soulevé une question cruciale : « Comment les plateformes numériques comme WhatsApp ou les blogs peuvent-elles être utilisées pour protéger et autonomiser les femmes sans les exposer à davantage de risques face aux acteurs étatiques ou extrémistes ? »

Urbain Yameogo, du Centre d’Information et de Formation sur les Droits Humains en Afrique (CIFDHA), a cité l’abus des lois sur la cybercriminalité et le terrorisme pour restreindre la liberté d’expression. « La loi antiterroriste de 2015 au Burkina Faso permettait aux journalistes un certain accès à des informations sensibles liées au terrorisme. Cependant, les révisions du Code pénal en 2019 ont supprimé ces exemptions, exposant les journalistes à des poursuites pour des actes qu’ils exerçaient dans le cadre de leur travail, comme l’accès aux sites liés au terrorisme. Cette modification a créé une zone grise juridique qui rend les journalistes et les défenseurs des droits humains vulnérables à des persécutions. »

Les panélistes ont souligné que les journalistes de la région, rapportant sur des sujets sensibles comme le terrorisme et les violations des droits humains, sont de plus en plus poursuivis sous des lois sur la cybercriminalité, plutôt que sous les lois traditionnelles sur la presse, qui offraient historiquement plus de protection. Ce changement compromet les droits des journalistes à rapporter librement, car les lois sur la cybercriminalité, souvent mal définies, peuvent être interprétées de manière extensive pour réprimer un travail journalistique légitime.

Face au défi de défendre les droits numériques dans un climat de peur des représailles des régimes militaires, certains participants ont souligné la nécessité d’exercer une prudence extrême et d’adopter une approche conciliatrice dans leur travail. Cheikh Fall, de l’organisation régionale des droits humains AfricTivistes, a affirmé : « Parfois, il faut choisir entre la vie et la liberté. Dans les pays du Sahel sous régime militaire, les droits numériques sont éclipsés par le besoin immédiat de survie. Cette réalité souligne que la lutte pour les droits humains fondamentaux est indissociable du combat pour la liberté. »

Des propositions ont été faites pour créer des lois unifiées traitant à la fois des enjeux numériques et médiatiques. Cependant, étant donné les craintes que ces lois puissent renforcer la répression plutôt que protéger les libertés, un dialogue inclusif et des processus politiques participatifs ont été jugés cruciaux. Cela permettrait de garantir une meilleure protection non seulement pour les journalistes et les défenseurs, mais aussi pour les femmes et d’autres groupes vulnérables. À cet égard, Chantal Nare a appelé à une législation englobant les formes de répression physique et numérique.

Outre les réformes juridiques, les panélistes ont également insisté sur la nécessité d’une formation renforcée à la sécurité numérique et d’une collaboration accrue entre les acteurs locaux et internationaux.

Navigating the Complex Digital Rights Terrain in the Sahel: Advocates Speak Out

By Simone Toussi |

Countries in the Sahel region, including Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, present a perilous environment for human rights defenders as military regimes entrench themselves in power. The digital space, once considered a beacon of opportunity for free speech and access to pluralistic information, has steadily come under siege, with the rights to privacy, freedom of expression, and the ability to access and share information increasingly being stifled. 

Whereas these countries face the digital rights prevalent in other Francophone African countries, such as internet disruptions, state surveillance, online censorship, and weaponisation of cybersecurity and disinformation laws, the overthrow of civilian governments by the military  in the three countries has deepened the level of authoritarianism. 

At the Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa – hosted by the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) and AfricTivistes in September 2024 in Dakar, Senegal, experts gathered to discuss the mounting challenges and opportunities for digital rights in the region. The session highlighted the precarious position of human rights defenders in the region and the role of digital technologies in both exacerbating and addressing these challenges. 

In line  with CIPESA’s work to address the information disorder in Sub-Saharan Africa and equip actors to better advocate for rights-respecting digital laws, the session addressed critical digital rights concerns  as well as pressing social issues such as gender inequality, armed conflict, and the deteriorating press freedom, while examining the regulatory framework emerging in response to these issues. 

Human rights defenders in the Sahel, particularly women’s rights activists and journalists, face immense challenges due to the political instability, armed violence, and authoritarian regimes which have imposed severe restrictions on press freedom, the flow of information, and civil society activities. 

According to Djibril Saidou from International Media Support (IMS), digital rights challenges in the Sahel go beyond protecting free speech. It’s about ensuring access to information on urgent issues like gender rights and armed conflicts,” said Saidou. Given the challenging contexts, he stated that intervention efforts should be focused on resisting censorship and promoting resilience for advocates of digital rights and democracy. 

Chantal Nare, a feminist blogger of Bloggueuses226 and activist from Burkina Faso, shared her experience advocating for women’s rights in such a volatile environment. She highlighted the constant fear of retaliation and surveillance, which stifles free expression, even on digital platforms. Chantal raised a crucial question: “How can digital technologies like WhatsApp or blogs be used to protect and empower women without exposing them to further risk from state or extremist actors?”

Urbain Yameogo from Centre for Information and Training on Human Rights in Africa (CIFDHA) cited the abuse of cybercrime and anti-terrorism laws to curtail freedom of expression. 

The 2015 Anti-Terrorism law in Burkina Faso, initially allowed journalists some latitude to access sensitive information related to terrorism for professional purposes. However, revisions to the Penal Code in 2019 removed these exemptions, exposing journalists to prosecution for acts they would have previously carried out in the course of their work, such as accessing websites linked to terrorism. This change has created a legal grey area where journalists and human rights defenders are left vulnerable to legal persecution.” – Urbain Yameogo, CIFDHA.

Panelists emphasised that journalists in the region who report on sensitive topics such as terrorism and human rights violations are increasingly prosecuted under cybercrime laws rather than traditional press laws, which historically offered more protection for media practitioners. This shift undermines the rights of journalists to report freely, as cybercrime laws are often ill-defined and can be interpreted broadly to suppress legitimate journalistic work.  

Faced with the challenge of defending digital rights in an environment of heightened fear of reprisals from the military regimes, some participants emphasised the need for exercising extreme caution and  taking  a conciliatory approach to their work. 

This was underscored by Cheikh Fall from the regional human rights organisation AfricTivistes: “Sometimes, we must choose between life and freedom. In Sahel countries under military rule, digital rights are overshadowed by the immediate need for survival. This stark reality emphasises that when basic human rights are at stake, the struggle for freedom becomes paramount. It’s essential to recognise that in such situations, the struggle for basic human rights is intertwined with the fight for freedom.” 

Proposals were made to create unified laws addressing both digital and media issues. However, given concerns that such laws could be double-edged, potentially enhancing repression rather than protecting freedoms, inclusive dialogue and participatory policy processes were crucial. This would ensure strengthened protection not only for journalists and advocates, but also women and other vulnerable groups.  In this regard, Nare called for legislation that encompasses both physical and digital forms of repression. 

Beyond the legal reforms, the panelists also emphasised the need for increased digital security training and stronger collaboration between local and international actors.

Confronting the Toll of Online Work on Women in Africa

By Ashnah Kalemera |

From domestic work, ride hailing, content moderation, and delivery services, to sex work, technology has revolutionised employment and labour across the world. In Africa, according to a 2023 report by the World Bank, between 2016 and 2020, job postings on one of the largest digital labour platforms more than doubled. This demand on the continent is expected to grow over the coming years.

These new forms of labour and employment have generally advanced inclusion in the workforce and promoted economic empowerment. However, despite the existence of initiatives such as SheWorks! that are dedicated to engaging women in online work, the promise of new skills, flexibility and income, the potential of women’s participation in digital work has not been fully realised. For instance, in South Africa, the share of women in online work (52%) is growing but still less than in similar occupations in the workforce at large (61%). 

Documented barriers to African women’s participation in online work include the gender digital divide and uneven access to the internet and digital tools. Meanwhile, the wider challenges of digitalisation of work and labour, including the lack of social protections, job insecurity, unequal pay, unfair treatment, discrimination, bias, increased surveillance and lack of autonomy, are exacerbated for women.

In an effort to build narratives and movements on gender and labour online, the recently concluded Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa 2024 (FIFAfrica24) featured discussions on feminist futures of work that highlighted lived experiences and advocacy strategies.

Speaking at the Forum, Abigail Osiki, a Lecturer in the Department of Mercantile and Labour Law at the University of Western Cape, South Africa, stated that fair and decent work for women online not only encompasses security, fair wages and productivity, but also mental health. The mental health challenges of online employment opportunities for women were said to be compounded by stigmas about certain forms of labour – such as sex work being considered prostitution and virtual assistants being “just secretaries”.

“The worst part about working for OnlyFans for me is the toll it takes on my mental health. For a long time I kind of swallowed my emotions and didn’t care what anyone thought because I was making so much money, but then it got to a point where I felt like I was selling my soul. I would often break down to my younger brother that I feel like I sold my soul.” – an Interview with an OnlyFans Worker.

The “uneven power” within online employment was also pointed out. Highlighting the example of non-disclosure agreements (NDAs), speakers at FIFAfrica24 argued that such agreements perpetuated “master-servant relationships” and “forced labour”, leaving many women with no option but to work “from a point of desperation as opposed to choice”.

A former content moderator for a social media platform narrated her recruitment as a language translator, signing of an NDA, and only finding out the scope of her work upon exposure to graphic content. She recalled the mental health side effects of the job and the inability to disclose the nature of her work to healthcare professionals for “fear of going to jail for 20 years” as stipulated in the NDA. She added that she worked in a foreign country without a work permit for a year, isolated in a hotel for six months and without leave days. Whereas she and colleagues were able to unionise, they had no legal support. The unionisation initially led to salary increments but their employment contracts were later terminated without benefits.

For African women in the informal sector, the situation was said to be even more dire. As part of her address in the opening ceremony, Catherine M’seteka of the International Domestic Workers Federation (IDWF) argued that limited access to information and digital illiteracy had made it harder for domestic workers to mobilise or report common violations such as forced labour, exploitation and sexual harassment.

According to Siasa Place’s Angela Chukunzira, digitalisation also had an impact on non-tech based labour. She cited the example of online reviews in the hospitality sector and their impact on the rights of housekeeping workers – who are usually women.

“Marginalised workers are invisible in policy making,” said M’Seteka as she called for more platforms  – both formal and informal – for multi-stakeholder engagement and advocacy on the digital economy.

M’Seteka’s and others’ calls echo recommendations in a policy brief on Labour and Digital Rights in Africa, which emphasised the need to strengthen legal recognition of workers online to ensure their safety and welfare alongside efforts to foster innovation and economic growth that overcome inequalities, bias and discrimination.

In visioning a future of work from a feminist perspective, Osiki stated that advocacy and policy interventions must consider women in the digital workforce as heterogeneous – of different cultures, contexts and involved in different types of work. That way, regulation of uneven power relations and efforts in collective bargaining would articulate varied interests to avoid exploitation. Priorities put forward for collective bargaining were equal pay, contract transparency, protection against harassment and exploitation, alongside career mobility and progression as well as health and safety. “All these [interests] vary for freelancers, domestic workers, location-based service providers and content moderators,” said Osiki.

African states were urged not to politicise technology-based jobs as a solution to the continent’s unemployment and poverty crisis. Rather, they should negotiate partnerships and equitable regulation with a view of increasing tax revenue to enable provision of social and welfare protections for citizens.

For the wider community – users, activists, media, the legal fraternity and civil society organisations – there were calls for solidarity such as in strategic litigation and establishing communities of care to support women in digital workspaces. This, together with efforts to promote cultural and language sensitivity for some forms of employment would go a long way in overcoming derogatory and biased narratives in society.

Why Technology Has Failed To Improve Africa’s Elections – Report

Update |

Technology was supposed to be a great equalizer in Africa’s democratic journey, but as the “State of Internet Freedom in Africa 2024” report reveals, technology has instead become a tool for authoritarian control.

As internet shutdowns, disinformation, and the digital divide grow, the hope for transparent elections continues to dim away, writes FRANK KISAKYE.

Technologies initially seen as tools to empower Africa’s youth and dismantle authoritarian regimes have, paradoxically, become instruments of digital repression. Rather than facilitating democratic transitions, politicians are exploiting these innovations for misinformation, censorship and disinformation.

Hopes were high as mobile phone usage and internet access rapidly expanded across the continent, reaching 43 per cent mobile penetration with 489 million unique subscribers and 25 per cent internet penetration with 287 million mobile internet users. These advances were expected to modernize electoral processes through biometric voter registration, digital verification methods, and faster result transmission.

However, the “State of Internet Freedom in Africa 2024” report by the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) reveals a darker reality. Rather than promoting transparency, governments have turned to technology to undermine elections, suppress dissent and manipulate outcomes.

States have used technology to suppress elections
States have used technology to suppress elections

Launched in Dakar, Senegal, at the 2024 Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica) which was co-hosted by CIPESA and AfricTivistes, the report emphasizes how digital repression has become a key tool for authoritarian regimes.

Cheikh Fall, president of AfricTivistes, urged the continent to develop indigenous digital frameworks, saying, “Africa’s greatest challenge today is that it is experiencing the effects of all three industrial revolutions that shaped the world. We must create homegrown technologies and frameworks that address the continent’s unique needs and aspirations.”

INTERNET SHUTDOWNS

The report highlights countries such as Chad, Gabon, Uganda, and Zimbabwe, where internet disruptions and shutdowns have been used during elections and protests to stifle political opposition and control information. Since 2022, over 18 election-related internet disruptions have been recorded across Africa, a clear sign of growing digital authoritarianism. Rather than embracing transparency, these regimes are using technology to erode democratic governance.

Internet censorship, surveillance, and repressive laws are also key tactics used to weaken civic participation. Countries like Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Mali have engaged in targeted surveillance of political opponents and human rights defenders. The result is an environment where citizens fear participating in democratic processes, fearing reprisal and distrusting government institutions.

For example, Uganda has blocked Facebook since 2021 after President Yoweri Museveni accused the platform of siding with the opposition by deactivating accounts linked to his ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM). Facebook accused NRM of creating ‘fake accounts’ to manipulate the electoral process. This growing trend toward digital suppression makes it increasingly difficult for citizens to engage politically.

In 2023 alone, African governments imposed 283 internet shutdowns in 39 countries – a 41 per cent increase from 201 shutdowns in 2022. Ten of these shutdowns specifically targeted social media platforms like Facebook and X (formerly Twitter), which were once seen as tools for youth empowerment.

Instead, these platforms have become victims of repression, preventing young people from using them to effect political change. Despite 2024 being a pivotal year for African democracy, with over 20 countries heading to the polls, authoritarian regimes are doubling down on their use of technology to suppress opposition and manipulate electoral outcomes. This year could further erode trust in electoral transparency as governments increasingly seize control of internet governance.

Internet shutdowns have far-reaching consequences beyond politics. In conflict zones like Gaza, Myanmar, and Sudan, shutdowns disrupt essential services, including humanitarian aid. African countries are no exception. For instance, Algeria lost an estimated $70.4 million due to internet disruptions between 2019 and 2024.

Ugandan advocate Michael Aboneka warns that the continent may see even more internet shutdowns as regimes aim to control narratives during elections and protests. The economic and social costs are profound – undermining public trust in election outcomes and exacerbating political tensions.

Disinformation has also emerged as a key tactic to manipulate African elections. The CIPESA report highlights the increasing use of artificial intelligence (AI) to create fake content that misleads voters. Politicians are weaponizing AI to discredit electoral bodies and deepen political polarization.

In Uganda, for example, AI-generated disinformation has fueled the power struggles between prominent figures such as General Muhoozi Kainerugaba and President Museveni’s son-in-law, Odrek Rwabwogo. This not only confuses voters but also distorts the political landscape, making it difficult for citizens to make informed choices.

The proliferation of disinformation diminishes trust in democratic institutions, and AI’s ability to amplify these false narratives poses a growing challenge to fair elections.

While technology has transformed some aspects of African elections, the digital divide remains a significant barrier. High data costs, poor infrastructure, and limited digital literacy exclude large portions of the population, particularly rural communities, women, and people with disabilities.

Countries like Zimbabwe, South Sudan, and the Central African Republic have some of the most expensive mobile data prices globally, preventing many citizens from accessing crucial information and participating in online civic spaces. This deepens political inequalities and prevents marginalized groups from fully engaging in the democratic process.

This article was first published on the Observer website on October 09, 2024.

Read full report on the State of Internet Freedom in Africa (SIFA) 2024.