Event |
The first Africa Forum of the EU-funded Countering Foreign Interference is set to take place in Dakar, Senegal, between February 09 and 11, 2026.
For more information about this event, click here.
06Feb
04Feb
Why Data and AI Governance Are Central to Africa’s Digital Trade Ambitions
By CIPESA Writer |
Digital technologies are changing how African businesses trade and connect across borders. However, digital trade on the continent remains hugely constrained, including by regulatory fragmentation, infrastructure gaps, and bureaucratic hurdles. How then should African countries leverage the growing digitalisation and emerging technologies such as Artificial Intelligence (AI) to boost their digital economies?
According to the World Trade Organization (WTO), in 2024, Africa’s exports of digitally delivered services (DDS) were valued at USD 41.3 billion, representing just one percent of global exports. Nonetheless, the continent’s prospects are promising. The WTO and the World Bank project that greater use of digital technologies could boost Africa’s digital services exports by USD 74 billion between 2023 and 2040, doubling Africa’s share of global exports.
Evidently, if African countries do not address existing barriers and take decisive action, the continent risks becoming an even more marginal player in the global digital trade ecosystem. How to bridge the barriers and leverage data and AI to shape digital trade and Africa’s economic future was at the centre of discussions at the African Economic Research Consortium (AERC) Summit 2025, held in Nairobi, Kenya, last December.
A panel on digital trade and the governance of digital and AI economies, where the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) featured, stressed that, although frameworks such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Digital Trade Protocol are a step in the right direction, they could fail to significantly grow digital trade if member states lack enabling data and AI governance systems and practices.
Today, DDS account for approximately 35% of Africa’s total services export value, and have been rising at a double-digit rate, outpacing growth in other regions globally. However, growth in digital services trade remains uneven, concentrated in a handful of countries, mostly South Africa, Morocco, Ghana, Egypt, and Mauritius. Kenya, Nigeria and Tunisia are also notable players but with lower export values than the leading African countries.
Regional initiatives such as the AfCFTA Digital Trade Protocol can help to expand digital trade beyond domestic markets, including in countries that currently lag. The protocol, which was adopted two years ago, aims to harmonise rules for cross-border digital trade across Africa, including on electronic transactions, data governance, and digital payments. Meanwhile, the African Guidelines on Integrating Data Provisions in Protocols on Digital Trade of 2024, emphasise harmonised data governance as an enabler of secure and inclusive digital trade across Africa.
The African Union Data Policy Framework (AUDPF) similarly provides for interoperable data ecosystems across the continent, that are enabled by harmonised laws that support both innovation and rights protection. The various regional efforts support the dream of a Digital Single Market by 2030, as envisaged by the Africa Digital Transformation Strategy of the African Union.
The Galore of Barriers
The region currently lacks an operational continent‑wide harmonised framework for data protection, e‑commerce regulation, digital taxation, or AI governance. This gap raises compliance costs and presents a barrier to businesses that aim to scale operations across borders. This undermines cross‑border digital trade and data flows. Moreover, lack of regulations for paperless trade, including on electronic invoicing, e-signatures and e-contracts, presents an additional hurdle.
On the other hand, high taxes on goods, services, data, and devices drive up costs for businesses, yet several entrepreneurs struggle to access affordable digital financial services, including for effecting cross-border payments. These challenges are made worse by low internet speeds, unreliable electricity supply, as well as weak understanding of export regulations, data protection, and cybersecurity.
Addressing these barriers would offer entrepreneurs a range of benefits. Businesses can reach new customers beyond national borders without investing much in physical export infrastructure, which can reduce costs and expand their market reach. Also, interoperable digital payments can help to minimise settlement delays and overcome currency conversion hurdles.
Priorities on AI and Data Governance
Projections by a WTO 2025 report show that AI could boost the value of cross-border flows of goods and services by around 40% by 2040, due to productivity gains and lower trade costs. However, Africa’s readiness for AI regulation and uptake, particularly by small and medium enterprises, remains low. The WTO report points to AI’s potential to reduce logistics costs, overcome language barriers, ease regulatory compliance, and boost productivity.
In a March 2025 survey among firms from across the world, the most cited benefits of AI were improved trade efficiency (22%), optimised trade decision-making (14%), expanding the foreign customer base (10%), enhanced supply chain management (9%), and broader import and export product ranges (9% and 8% respectively).
How data and AI are governed is therefore key for the future of Africa’s digital economy. If African countries do not put in place robust and harmonised legislation, they will risk perpetuating patterns of the so-called “AI colonialism” in which African data and users fuel global AI markets yet their economies do not receive proportionate economic benefits. Many African countries are adopting AI in the public and private sectors but lack comprehensive AI-specific laws and governance frameworks and often rely instead on outdated laws that pre-date the current technologies.
The State of Internet Freedom in Africa 2025 report calls for human‑centred AI laws that ensure transparency in algorithms, clear accountability, and effective mechanisms for liability and redress. The report urges governments to strengthen independent AI and data oversight institutions, invest in digital infrastructure and inclusion, expand internet access, and ensure AI tools serve local languages. The report also highlights that Africa’s AI market is projected to grow from USD 4.51 billion in 2025 to USD 16.5 billion by 2030.
Africa thus urgently needs cross-border data governance frameworks that support trusted data flows, reduce fragmented national rules, and establish interoperable standards to boost regional digital trade under initiatives such as AfCFTA and the AUDPF. At the same time, investments in affordable connectivity, local cloud capacity, public digital platforms, and datasets in African languages are essential.
The Role of Civil Society and Think Tanks
The Summit discussion stressed the urgent need for research to inform policy, particularly on cross-border data flows, AI adoption, and ways for Africa to avoid new forms of dependency while getting greater value from its data and digital innovation.
Also essential is civil society engagement in monitoring the implementation of continental digital trade and data initiatives, supporting harmonisation of policies and standards, and building the capacity of policymakers, regulators, and businesses.
Actions to Grow Digital Trade in Africa
- Embrace digital transformation and connectivity by investing in robust networks and backup systems.
- Implement robust cyber security frameworks while ensuring effective cyber leadership and prioritising investments in cyber infrastructure, skilling, awareness.
- Recognise data as a trade enabler by ensuring trade agreements have provisions that prevent unnecessary restrictions on data flows.
- Harmonise data protection standards to reduce compliance costs for businesses and build trust among different stakeholders.
- Adopt and implement Intellectual Property (IP) laws to ensure that local innovators and individuals in the region benefit.
- Build robust digital infrastructure with a focus on Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) and data privacy.
- Assess and address the impact of emerging technologies like artificial intelligence, blockchain and IoT, ensuring they foster innovation and address ethical challenges.
Source: CIPESA – Policy Considerations for Enhancing Digital Trade in East Africa
19Jan
Navigating The Aftermath of Uganda’s Internet Shutdown
By Juliet Nanfuka |
After nearly five days without public internet access, connectivity in Uganda has been partially restored. On January 13, 2026, the government ordered internet service providers to block public access to the internet, with partial access being reinstated late at night on January 17, 2026. Social media and messaging platforms remain restricted as of January 19, 2026. Officials said the move was aimed at curbing the spread of online misinformation, electoral fraud, and incitement to violence in the lead-up to the polls. The order also halted the sale and registration of new SIM cards and blocked outbound data roaming services to One Network Area countries. Some essential services including healthcare systems at national referral hospitals, financial services including core banking and interbank systems, immigration and electoral commission secure portals, utilities management, and aviation and railway control systems were to remain accessible according to the directive. Thus, the country went to the polls in the midst of a “digital darkness”. The controversial election has seen Yoweri Museveni extend his 40 year rule by another five years following the announcement of his win.
Various human rights groups and election monitoring groups, including the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX), Access Now, Human Rights Watch and the UN Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner documented the shutdown and challenged the government’s position on blocking access to the internet. They argue that access to information and freedom of expression are especially critical during elections and that the blanket shutdown undermined election transparency and accountability.
While the restoration of internet access brings an end to the total blackout, it leaves behind pressing questions about the cost of restricting access to the internet during democratic processes and what such measures mean for civic participation, transparency, and accountability in Uganda.
The evolution of internet shutdowns during elections in Uganda reveals a pattern of escalation. During the 2016 elections, authorities limited restrictions to primarily social media platforms over four days during elections and again during the presidential inauguration. In 2021, initial block of social media platforms were followed by a complete internet shutdown which saw access to digital communication affected for a total of five days. This month’s polls witnessed a complete shutdown from just before the onset of the elections, reflecting the control of state power over digital infrastructure.
Prior to the shutdown, the services of satellite internet provider Starlink, which operates independently of terrestrial networks, were halted in Uganda after a regulatory directive, rendering all Starlink terminals inactive ahead of polling day. Starlink was providing services without a valid local license. Critics argued that the directive served to limit alternatives for connectivity in the event of broader restrictions, feeding anxieties about reduced access to independent channels of information.
Away from restrictions to online connectivity, state power has also been reflected in the tight control over media narratives, undermining its watchdog role. This has been witnessed through restricting the live broadcast of “riots, unlawful processions, or violent incidents” and the barring of journalists from the privately owned Nation Media Group-Uganda from covering Museveni’s campaign and events since March 2025, in addition to denying them access to parliament since October 2025. Meanwhile, there were various assaults and the intimidation of journalists in an effort to “silence scrutiny of public affairs”.
The electoral process itself has been marred by controversy including queries on the failure of the Biometric Voter Verification Kits (BVVKs) on voting day resulting in voter apathy and delays. The Electoral Commission’s spokesperson acknowledged that some aspects of the BVVK such as voter verification did require internet access to function. The contingency measure provided was the manual verification of voters at polling stations. The state made a total investment of approximately 469.5 billion Uganda Shillings (UGX) (USD 131.9 million) in December 2025 to support what was considered critical preparatory activities for the just concluded general election. Of this investment, at least UGX 53.8 billion (USD 15.1 million) was dedicated to the BVVK.
Further, the earlier suspension of various non-governmental organisations and the arrest and intimation of various state critics including Dr. Saarah Bireete on charges of unlawful access to voters’ register data, and Dr. Kizza Besigye on charges of treason, reflected a narrowed democratic space in the lead up to and during the election. These actions were often accompanied by announcements of protecting national security, managing disinformation, and maintaining public order.
The internet shutdown also affected daily livelihoods of millions of ordinary people within Uganda as it severed access to basic online interactions including checking up on friends and family. It also affected formal and informal sector transactions through mobile money, digital marketplaces, and online channels that traders, boda boda riders, market vendors, gig workers, freelancers, and small-scale entrepreneurs use to conduct commerce, advertise and deliver services. In many cases, these workers were forced to revert to cash-based transactions, exposing them to heightened insecurity, loss of business, and reduced earnings. For others, such as ride hailing applications, online purchases and delivery sections, economic activity stalled altogether.
News reports state that many actors in the financial sector remained tight lipped about their possible losses following the shutdown. According to the Uganda Revenue Authority, the state lost income due to the internet shutdown affecting revenue collections – the deadline for filing monthly tax returns fell within the shutdown on January 15. The landlocked country further lost tax revenue clearance costs paid in by trucks at the various border points while tourism was also affected. The shutdown also affected mobile money services upon which millions of Uganda’s informal sector rely on. Cash withdrawals using the service were also blocked.
The events surrounding Uganda’s internet shutdown highlight the tension between the state, media, civil society, and the rights of citizens at critical moments such as elections. This tension also affects access to information, freedom of expression and the tenets of digital democracy. It undermines accountability and transparency in democratic processes paving the way for abuse, violations and impunity. Ultimately, internet shutdowns raise questions about whether such measures are necessary or proportionate particularly at a time when digital platforms have become the basis of livelihoods, civic engagement and basic services for millions of people who engage directly online and at the periphery of digital access, including those who are not online, digitally savvy or even have the devices to access the digital society.
Uganda’s case is not isolated as the country joins numerous others who in recent months have ordered shutdowns around election periods, protests, and national exams, when authorities perceive digital communication as a threat to public order. In the last 12 months, internet shutdowns have been seen across the continent including during elections in Tanzania and Cameroon, conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, a military coup in Guinea-Bissau, and environmental protests in Equatorial Guinea’s Annobón island.
13Jan
Uganda’s Election and the Lingering Legacy of Internet Blockage
By Juliet Nanfuka |
In two days, as Uganda heads to its presidential and parliamentary elections slated for January 15, 2026, citizens, civil society actors, journalists, and digital rights defenders were stumped with the question, “will they shut down the internet again?” Or, this time, will we see a commitment to adherence to one of the basic fundamentals of digital democracy and have an election in which access to digital communications remains open?
In recent weeks, anxiety about an impending internet blackout has surged despite Dr. Aminah Zawedde, Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of ICT and National Guidance, and Hon. Nyombi Thembo, Executive Director of the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC), dismissing rumours of plans to shut down the internet, calling them “false and misleading”.
However, for many, these pronouncements have done little to quell suspicions, especially due to the actions witnessed during the 2016 and 2021 elections. During those previous two elections, access to digital communications was restricted, resulting in a block to online communication, commerce, and key avenues for civic engagement.
Various actions in the lead up to the polls have also served to compound the suspicions. In a report issued in January 2026, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) describes the arrests of state critics as “arbitrary and discriminatory” and outside of the country’s constitutional guarantees.
“Despite the strong constitutional protection of rights, the human rights situation in Uganda during the period under review has been characterized by increasingly restrictive legislation and their arbitrary and discriminatory application. The Government of Uganda has continued to rely on legislation such as the Public Order Management Act (POMA), the Anti-Terrorism Act, the NGO Act, the Computer Misuse (Amendment) Act and the Penal Code Act to shrink civic and democratic space and further weaken political participation, particularly of political opponents and their supporters, as well as the work of civil society, including journalists and human rights defenders.” OHCHR Report on Uganda
Meanwhile, independent media has come under increasing pressure, experiencing various forms of clampdowns in the lead up to the elections, including the denial of advertising spend. In October 2025, independent outlets – NTV Uganda and The Daily Monitor – were denied accreditation to cover parliamentary and presidential proceedings. Reports of harassment, equipment confiscation as well as attacks on journalists during election campaign coverage, and raids on media offices, have been commonplace – underscoring a deteriorating environment for media freedom.
Meanwhile the satellite internet provider Starlink, which has services that can operate independently of terrestrial networks, was halted in Uganda after a regulatory directive in early January 2026, rendering all Starlink terminals inactive ahead of polling day. The satellite internet service provider was providing services without a valid local license. Critics still argue that the directive serves to limit alternatives for connectivity in the event of broader restrictions on internet access, feeding anxieties about reduced access to independent channels of information.
The UCC has also come under fire following its warning to broadcasters and digital content creators against live coverage of riots, protests, or incidents that could disrupt public order. The regulator stated that only the Electoral Commission may declare election results, and sharing unverified results is illegal. Dr. Zawedde stated, “Media platforms must not be abused to incite violence, spread misinformation, or undermine the credibility of the electoral process.”
By the afternoon of January 13, 2026, a directive circulating online had been issued by UCC to mobile network operators to block public access to the internet, effective at 18:00.
In a public statement, Access Now and the global #KeepItOn coalition had urged President Yoweri Museveni and relevant national authorities to ensure unrestricted internet access throughout the electoral period and to refrain from any disruptive measures that impede the free flow of information. The statement stresses the fundamental role that connectivity plays in inclusive participation, freedom of expression, and the credibility of the electoral process.
Likewise, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) also reaffirmed that internet access is a core human right and a necessary condition for free and fair elections, warning against restrictions that would stifle civic space. The Commission called on the Government of Uganda to ratify the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, signed on January 27, 2013, which emphasises the importance of a culture of peaceful change of power based on regular, free, fair and transparent elections conducted by competent, independent and impartial electoral bodies.
For democracy to flourish in Uganda, authorities must demonstrate their commitment to open digital spaces. This means not only publicly guaranteeing uninterrupted internet access before, during, and after the elections but also building trust through transparency and accountability. Citizens deserve to communicate freely, monitor the electoral process, and hold all actors accountable without fear of arbitrary disruption.
Ultimately, Uganda’s electoral credibility will not be judged by what happens at polling stations, but by whether the state resists the temptation to control information by disrupting digital access. In an era where civic participation, journalism, election transparency, and even livelihoods heavily rely on digital access, a disruption would signal a fear of accountability.
If the government chooses restraint in the coming hours, it would mark a major departure from a troubling past and offer Ugandans a rare assurance in the election process. If it does not, history will record yet another election where the digital access was shut down to presumably manage dissent rather than protect democracy.
29Dec
Dr. Rehema Baguma
Who is Dr. Rehema Baguma?
I am Rehema Baguma, currently working at Makerere University in Uganda, where I serve as an Associate Professor of Information Systems. My research interests include: Digital Inclusion, Data & AI Governance, EduTech & eGovernance. I have extensively researched and consulted in Uganda and neighbouring countries to make ICTs accessible to persons with Disabilities, among other areas. I have had the privilege of engaging in a series of industry initiatives in collaboration with government agencies, CSOs, international actors and DPOs. Notable among these include:
- Development of ICT Accessibility and Disability Indicators-A framework for monitoring Obligatory National Implementation of ICT Accessibility for the Fulfilment of the Human Rights of Persons with Disabilities for the ICT Policy Centre for Eastern and Southern Africa (CIPESA), in 2018.
- Leading a research study on the Audit of Inclusive ICTs for Education in Uganda, which established the extend to which ICTs used in education are accessible to Persons with Disabilities (May to September 2015).
- Training of over 100 Government Web Administrators and Public Relations Officers (PROs) in Uganda in Web Accessibility in 2016.
- Development of an Implementation Strategy of the Digital Talent Policy (DTP) for Persons with Disabilities in Rwanda (June 2017–January 2018).
- Sensitisation and training of Policy Makers from Government Ministries, Departments and Agencies about ICTs used by Persons with Disabilities and Monitoring ICTs and Disability Policy in Uganda, in April 2018.
- Member of the project on promoting the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Access to inclusive education and information in Uganda in partnership with UNESCO, UNICEF & National Union of Disabled Persons in Uganda (NUDIPU) between 2015 to 2017.
- Contributor to the ICT for Inclusive Education policy for Uganda (draft)
- Contributor to the National ICT for Disability policy for Uganda (draft)
My motivation came during my PhD research, which focused on Web accessibility through the Web Content Accessibility Guidelines. I was led to the area by a senior staff member at my School at the time, who told me that ICT accessibility could be a good area to research. My PhD research was on “Making the Web accessible to Persons with Disabilities through the Web Content Accessibility Guidelines” which demonstrated that the guidance given in WCAG (the most comprehensive and widely used set of Web accessibility guidelines developed by W3C) is relevant to the Web accessibility problems faced by people with disabilities; that WCAG has a higher potential to influence the development of accessible Web based systems save for its usability limitations; and proposed a solution to the usability limitations of WCAG grounded in a broader mature field of information retrieval. After completing my PhD, I felt compelled to apply the results of my research in practice, which led to several collaborations and assignments within Uganda and abroad.
There is an increasing awareness and appreciation of the need for and possibilities of digital rights, as well as the inclusion of people with disabilities, through advocacy, training, development, and the implementation of digital rights/inclusive ICT policies. This also includes the development of more inclusive technologies and platforms. For example, in June 2025, the government of Kenya committed to making all its digitised public services accessible to persons with disabilities, in alignment with the Accessibility Standard for Digital Products. Additionally, there is an increasing number of advocacy initiatives focused on digital inclusion for people with disabilities. For instance, the Global Accessibility Awareness Day (GAAD) has evolved into an advocacy platform for inclusive policy audits, innovation labs for assistive technologies, and training programs to build capacity for disability rights advocacy and technology development.
There is an increase in the development of AI-driven Assistive Technologies and Tools for persons with disabilities, including those customised for the African context. For example, Signvrse, a Kenyan startup, is developing AI-powered sign language translation toolsthat convert speech and text into visual representations of sign language. Additionally,there are several advocacy and capacity-building efforts in different parts of Africa, such as accessibility audits, innovation labs, and fellowship programs to support affordable, local assistive technologies, and train Activists to advance digital inclusion for Persons with Disabilities.
The key threats and challenges to the digital rights and inclusion of people with disabilities in Africa are gaps in policy implementation and enforcement, the high cost and inaccessibility of assistive technologies, and general infrastructure gaps. Most African countries have progressive laws and policies regarding disability and ICT access; however, these often remain on paper due to a lack of political will and weak enforcement mechanisms. For instance, a legal requirement for all TV stations to provide sign language interpretation is often ignored. Also, government websites and e-services, which are increasingly vital for accessing public services, are frequently not designed to be accessible to people with disabilities (e.g., lacking alt text for screen readers or video captions). Further, essential assistive devices and software (like screen readers, Braille displays, and speech input software) are often expensive and out of reach for most people with disabilities who are, on average, poorer than their mainstream counterparts.
Additionally, unreliable electricity, poor internet connectivity, and the high cost of mobile data in many rural and remote areas create fundamental barriers to access for disadvantaged groups like People with Disabilities. Additionally, AI systems, including those used in screening for admission to educational institutions and job recruitment, may amplify existing discrimination and perpetuate negative stereotypes if not designed with accessibility and inclusion in mind. Moreso, the continent-wide limited availability of reliable and disaggregated data on the challenges faced by different disability groups continues to negatively impact the design and implementation of targeted interventions and policies.
Building trust, fostering strong partnerships, and promoting regional collaboration in Africa’s disability rights movement requires intentional structures, shared power, and sustained dialogue among governments and various stakeholders. There is a need for a shared rights-based framework grounded in the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and African human rights instruments. People with disabilities and their representative organisations must be decision-makers, not just consultees, in line with the principle of “Nothing About Us Without Us”. Also, tracking commitments and progress should be spearheaded by independent monitoring mechanisms led by Disabled Persons’ Organisations (DPOs). Furthermore, there is a need to establish permanent regional or sub-regional forums on disability rights and digital inclusion, rather than holding one-off events. These can be organised into thematic working groups (e.g., digital accessibility, education, employment, media, assistive technology, AI, etc.). Examples of good practice include national and regional Internet Governance Forums (IGFs) that feature disability-focused tracks, as well as the AU- or REC-hosted Disability and Digital Inclusion Roundtables, which have rotating leadership. Additionally, there is a need to utilise regional standards to align efforts and reduce fragmentation, thereby facilitating easier collaboration across borders. Furthermore, there is a need to invest in capacity building across all sectors on accessibility, disability budgeting, and inclusive policy design for governments; disability-inclusive and non-stigmatising reporting for journalists; universal design and accessibility testing for the tech development community; and policy, research, and digital skills for DPOs.
There is a need to implement community-led digital literacy, design accessible & affordable technology, create inclusive policies, foster multi-stakeholder partnerships (including NGOs, tech companies, and government), and collect disaggregated data to tailor programs to their specific needs. Additionally, it is important to involve these groups in decision-making to foster trust and develop solutions that address the unique barriers of cost, accessibility, and safety concerns.
There is a need to promote research and innovation in ICT and disability/ICT accessibility for persons with disabilities, which can inform local policy, practice (including the development of interventions), and technology development for persons with disabilities. To date, most efforts have focused on advocacy, policy development, capacity building, and, to some extent, the development of assistive technologies. Grounding these initiatives in research can lead to more effective policies, practices and local assistive technologies.