Confronting the Toll of Online Work on Women in Africa

By Ashnah Kalemera |

From domestic work, ride hailing, content moderation, and delivery services, to sex work, technology has revolutionised employment and labour across the world. In Africa, according to a 2023 report by the World Bank, between 2016 and 2020, job postings on one of the largest digital labour platforms more than doubled. This demand on the continent is expected to grow over the coming years.

These new forms of labour and employment have generally advanced inclusion in the workforce and promoted economic empowerment. However, despite the existence of initiatives such as SheWorks! that are dedicated to engaging women in online work, the promise of new skills, flexibility and income, the potential of women’s participation in digital work has not been fully realised. For instance, in South Africa, the share of women in online work (52%) is growing but still less than in similar occupations in the workforce at large (61%). 

Documented barriers to African women’s participation in online work include the gender digital divide and uneven access to the internet and digital tools. Meanwhile, the wider challenges of digitalisation of work and labour, including the lack of social protections, job insecurity, unequal pay, unfair treatment, discrimination, bias, increased surveillance and lack of autonomy, are exacerbated for women.

In an effort to build narratives and movements on gender and labour online, the recently concluded Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa 2024 (FIFAfrica24) featured discussions on feminist futures of work that highlighted lived experiences and advocacy strategies.

Speaking at the Forum, Abigail Osiki, a Lecturer in the Department of Mercantile and Labour Law at the University of Western Cape, South Africa, stated that fair and decent work for women online not only encompasses security, fair wages and productivity, but also mental health. The mental health challenges of online employment opportunities for women were said to be compounded by stigmas about certain forms of labour – such as sex work being considered prostitution and virtual assistants being “just secretaries”.

“The worst part about working for OnlyFans for me is the toll it takes on my mental health. For a long time I kind of swallowed my emotions and didn’t care what anyone thought because I was making so much money, but then it got to a point where I felt like I was selling my soul. I would often break down to my younger brother that I feel like I sold my soul.” – an Interview with an OnlyFans Worker.

The “uneven power” within online employment was also pointed out. Highlighting the example of non-disclosure agreements (NDAs), speakers at FIFAfrica24 argued that such agreements perpetuated “master-servant relationships” and “forced labour”, leaving many women with no option but to work “from a point of desperation as opposed to choice”.

A former content moderator for a social media platform narrated her recruitment as a language translator, signing of an NDA, and only finding out the scope of her work upon exposure to graphic content. She recalled the mental health side effects of the job and the inability to disclose the nature of her work to healthcare professionals for “fear of going to jail for 20 years” as stipulated in the NDA. She added that she worked in a foreign country without a work permit for a year, isolated in a hotel for six months and without leave days. Whereas she and colleagues were able to unionise, they had no legal support. The unionisation initially led to salary increments but their employment contracts were later terminated without benefits.

For African women in the informal sector, the situation was said to be even more dire. As part of her address in the opening ceremony, Catherine M’seteka of the International Domestic Workers Federation (IDWF) argued that limited access to information and digital illiteracy had made it harder for domestic workers to mobilise or report common violations such as forced labour, exploitation and sexual harassment.

According to Siasa Place’s Angela Chukunzira, digitalisation also had an impact on non-tech based labour. She cited the example of online reviews in the hospitality sector and their impact on the rights of housekeeping workers – who are usually women.

“Marginalised workers are invisible in policy making,” said M’Seteka as she called for more platforms  – both formal and informal – for multi-stakeholder engagement and advocacy on the digital economy.

M’Seteka’s and others’ calls echo recommendations in a policy brief on Labour and Digital Rights in Africa, which emphasised the need to strengthen legal recognition of workers online to ensure their safety and welfare alongside efforts to foster innovation and economic growth that overcome inequalities, bias and discrimination.

In visioning a future of work from a feminist perspective, Osiki stated that advocacy and policy interventions must consider women in the digital workforce as heterogeneous – of different cultures, contexts and involved in different types of work. That way, regulation of uneven power relations and efforts in collective bargaining would articulate varied interests to avoid exploitation. Priorities put forward for collective bargaining were equal pay, contract transparency, protection against harassment and exploitation, alongside career mobility and progression as well as health and safety. “All these [interests] vary for freelancers, domestic workers, location-based service providers and content moderators,” said Osiki.

African states were urged not to politicise technology-based jobs as a solution to the continent’s unemployment and poverty crisis. Rather, they should negotiate partnerships and equitable regulation with a view of increasing tax revenue to enable provision of social and welfare protections for citizens.

For the wider community – users, activists, media, the legal fraternity and civil society organisations – there were calls for solidarity such as in strategic litigation and establishing communities of care to support women in digital workspaces. This, together with efforts to promote cultural and language sensitivity for some forms of employment would go a long way in overcoming derogatory and biased narratives in society.

Civil Society Trained on Digital Rights Advocacy for Persons with Disabilities

By CIPESA Staff |

Despite the recent exponential growth and penetration of inclusive digital technologies in Africa, persons with disabilities have remained disproportionately hindered from enjoying the benefits that come with these technological advancements as they are often excluded from the design, implementation processes, and discussions about the said technologies. As a result, the technology has remained largely inaccessible due to the prohibitive associated costs and unusable because of low levels of digital literacy among persons with disabilities. Additionally, many technologies were not designed with input from persons with disabilities regarding their user needs.

While governments, both at the national and international levels, have made great strides in legislating against the discrimination of persons with disabilities, the vast majority of the laws remain unimplemented. For example, it has taken at least six years for the African Union’s Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights relating to the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in Africa to come into force after its 15th ratification by the Republic of Congo in May 2024. The other 14 member states that have ratified the Disability Protocol are Angola, Burundi, Cameroon, Kenya, Mali, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Niger, Rwanda, South Africa, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, and Uganda.

At the national level, in most countries, there have been only superficial efforts to guarantee that the rights of persons with disabilities to access technology are respected both in the laws and in practice. Efforts to galvanise the demand for digital rights for persons with disabilities have remained few and far between, despite some noticeable increases in the number and capacity of disability rights actors to advocate for the digital rights of persons with disabilities. The growth in capacity has also been hampered by limited direct funding for Organisations of Persons with Disabilities (OPDs), thereby undermining their ability to develop and engage in strategic advocacy, including setting the disability rights agenda.

In addition, crucial interventions at the forefront of digital inclusion remain mostly disjointed, with different players operating in silos to promote the inclusion of women, persons with disabilities, and other vulnerable and marginalised groups. This undermines the cohesion and the impact these efforts would have if they were harmonised.

It was against this background that the Collaboration on International Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), in partnership with the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), Thomson Reuters Foundation (TRF), and the African Center for Media Excellence (ACME) convened a one-day capacity-building workshop in Dakar, Senegal, for disability rights organisations and other digital rights advocates. The workshop equipped participants with the skills, knowledge, and tools necessary to advance digital rights for persons with disabilities.

The training was part of CIPESA’s ongoing work on digital inclusion particularly for persons with disabilities and was organised as a pre-event at the 11th edition of CIPESA’s annual Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica) that took place on September 24-27, 2024. The 21 workshop participants were drawn from Ethiopia, Ghana, the Ivory Coast, Kenya, Senegal, Uganda, and Zimbabwe and included lawyers, academics, journalists, OPDs, media, regulators, civil society organisations, and development partners – all with varying levels of experience working on disability rights.

Paul Kimumwe from CIPESA noted in his remarks that the biggest challenge to advancing digital rights for persons with disabilities has been the inability of advocates to understand and appreciate the intersectionality between disability, technology, and human rights. He added that there is a great focus on the business side especially the “bottom line” by technology developers rather than the needs of the user and how the technology which has become widely available, affects the ability of persons with disabilities to enjoy their fundamental human rights, including the right to education, health, and movement.

Lynnet Onyango from the TRF noted in her presentation that while many African countries have passed progressive laws and policies providing for the rights of access to digital technologies, many of these provisions remain unimplemented, affecting the ability of persons with disabilities to enjoy their fundamental human rights. According to Onyango, the failure to compel broadcasters to provide closed captions and sign language interpretation on their programming denies persons with disabilities access to news and information.

For many participants, the training offered an opportunity to learn and network with disability rights actors from across the continent and build synergies.

“It was interesting to learn that beyond the geographical differences in Africa, disability issues tend to be similar. However, with the influence of culture and technological advances, each country has to address disability challenges in a contextualised manner by localising and customising initiatives to reflect the lived experiences of persons with disabilities.” – Nicodemus Nyakundi, Digital Accessibility Program Officer, Kenya ICT Action Network (KICTANet).

For Dr. Abdul Busuulwa, a disability rights activist and Lecturer in the Department of Community and Disability Studies at Kyambogo University, Uganda, affordability and digital illiteracy remain a big challenge. Dr. Busuulwa noted that many accessible gadgets and assistive technologies are very expensive and the majority of persons with disabilities cannot afford them. In addition, while several open-source software applications provide some assistive technological support, this is not known to many people with disabilities.

In his presentation on engaging with media, Apolo Kakaire from ACME emphasised that, given the central role that the media (both mainstream and online) play in shaping public perceptions and information dissemination, it is crucial that disability rights organisations and activists develop strong and long-term working relationships with newsrooms and individual journalists, including building their capacity on disability rights coverage.

In her opening remarks, Morgan Frost, the Senior Manager of Global Programs at CIPE, highlighted the importance of multi-stakeholder efforts that empower persons with disabilities in the digital age. Frost also underscored that events such as the training workshop serve as a foundation for civil society, the local private sector, and media organisations working on digital inclusion efforts to share lessons learned and develop advocacy strategies that advance more accessible digital spaces.

Can the AU Data Policy Framework (DPF) support Digital Trade in SACU?

By Shamira Ahmed |

As Africa navigates the complexities of digital transformation, the African Union’s Data Policy Framework (DPF) has been heralded as a key instrument for establishing coherent data governance across the continent. However, in the specific context of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), its digital trade ambitions, and the complexities of international rules governing cross-border data flows (CBDF) and digital trade the question arises:

Can the AU Data Policy Framework (DPF) support Digital Trade in SACU?
For SACU member states (MS)—comprising Botswana, Eswatini, Lesotho, Namibia, and South Africa—digital trade can be a key facilitator of economic development.

While the DPF offers important guiding principles, the Data Economy Policy Hub (DepHUB) supported by the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) have published a paper and policy brief on “Assessing the Suitability of the African Union Data Policy Framework for Digital Trade in Africa: A South African Customs Union (SACU) Case Study” thatreveals shortcomings regarding the DPF according to three main categories, namely, approach, implementation, and scope that affect its suitability for SACU’s digital trade aspirations.
SACU has the potential to leverage digitalisation to enhance trade facilitation, revenue collection, and competitiveness. However, SACU’s digital landscape is still evolving, with varying levels of endowments, capabilities, and enablers such as digital infrastructure, robust data governance policies, and regulatory frameworks amongst the SACU member states, which pose a significant challenge to deepening SACU integration.

Furthermore, the successful integration of digital trade within the African context relies on the effectiveness and harmonization of various prerequisites and enablers, such as cross-border data policy frameworks and essential network infrastructure, among others, to support an inclusive digital single market.

The DPF offers an essential starting point for SACU’s engagement with digital trade, but it falls short in several key areas:

  1. Approach: The DPF’s overemphasis on legal frameworks such as FRAND , and regulatory sandboxes as only positive aspects needs to be recalibrated with a more balanced approach to better support digital trade in Africa. CBDF should be prioritized alongside data sovereignty and mutual recognition agreements— greater flexibility and policy space is needed to enable innovation in SACU’s nascent data ecosystem.
  • Implementation: Relying on national data protection authorities and the AUC’s limited capacity may hinder effective implementation across SACU. A more legally binding regionally coordinated approach such as the Digital Protocols of the Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) may be more appropriate as the Draft Protocol can create binding conditions necessary to ensure that all SACU members benefit from the DPF.

Scope: The DPF does not include data governance issues that impact digital trade such as all the dimensions of data interoperability, gender inequality, and environmental sustainability. Addressing these gaps is crucial for ensuring that SACU’s digital trade is not only economically inclusive but also socially and environmentally responsible.
To fully capitalize on the potential of digital technologies for economic growth, SACU countries need a more harmonized and collaborative approach to data governance.

A proactive sociotechnical approach, which better addresses the complexity of the data economy, must be adopted to balance the risks and benefits of digital transformation.

To overcome multidimensional barriers, SACU member states must adopt a transversal approach that aligns digital trade policies with broader economic, regulatory, and infrastructure goals. A transversal approach requires a much-needed focus on both supply-side policies, such as enhancing digital public infrastructure, and demand-side policies, such as promoting digital capabilities.

Why Technology Has Failed To Improve Africa’s Elections – Report

Update |

Technology was supposed to be a great equalizer in Africa’s democratic journey, but as the “State of Internet Freedom in Africa 2024” report reveals, technology has instead become a tool for authoritarian control.

As internet shutdowns, disinformation, and the digital divide grow, the hope for transparent elections continues to dim away, writes FRANK KISAKYE.

Technologies initially seen as tools to empower Africa’s youth and dismantle authoritarian regimes have, paradoxically, become instruments of digital repression. Rather than facilitating democratic transitions, politicians are exploiting these innovations for misinformation, censorship and disinformation.

Hopes were high as mobile phone usage and internet access rapidly expanded across the continent, reaching 43 per cent mobile penetration with 489 million unique subscribers and 25 per cent internet penetration with 287 million mobile internet users. These advances were expected to modernize electoral processes through biometric voter registration, digital verification methods, and faster result transmission.

However, the “State of Internet Freedom in Africa 2024” report by the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) reveals a darker reality. Rather than promoting transparency, governments have turned to technology to undermine elections, suppress dissent and manipulate outcomes.

States have used technology to suppress elections
States have used technology to suppress elections

Launched in Dakar, Senegal, at the 2024 Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica) which was co-hosted by CIPESA and AfricTivistes, the report emphasizes how digital repression has become a key tool for authoritarian regimes.

Cheikh Fall, president of AfricTivistes, urged the continent to develop indigenous digital frameworks, saying, “Africa’s greatest challenge today is that it is experiencing the effects of all three industrial revolutions that shaped the world. We must create homegrown technologies and frameworks that address the continent’s unique needs and aspirations.”

INTERNET SHUTDOWNS

The report highlights countries such as Chad, Gabon, Uganda, and Zimbabwe, where internet disruptions and shutdowns have been used during elections and protests to stifle political opposition and control information. Since 2022, over 18 election-related internet disruptions have been recorded across Africa, a clear sign of growing digital authoritarianism. Rather than embracing transparency, these regimes are using technology to erode democratic governance.

Internet censorship, surveillance, and repressive laws are also key tactics used to weaken civic participation. Countries like Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Mali have engaged in targeted surveillance of political opponents and human rights defenders. The result is an environment where citizens fear participating in democratic processes, fearing reprisal and distrusting government institutions.

For example, Uganda has blocked Facebook since 2021 after President Yoweri Museveni accused the platform of siding with the opposition by deactivating accounts linked to his ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM). Facebook accused NRM of creating ‘fake accounts’ to manipulate the electoral process. This growing trend toward digital suppression makes it increasingly difficult for citizens to engage politically.

In 2023 alone, African governments imposed 283 internet shutdowns in 39 countries – a 41 per cent increase from 201 shutdowns in 2022. Ten of these shutdowns specifically targeted social media platforms like Facebook and X (formerly Twitter), which were once seen as tools for youth empowerment.

Instead, these platforms have become victims of repression, preventing young people from using them to effect political change. Despite 2024 being a pivotal year for African democracy, with over 20 countries heading to the polls, authoritarian regimes are doubling down on their use of technology to suppress opposition and manipulate electoral outcomes. This year could further erode trust in electoral transparency as governments increasingly seize control of internet governance.

Internet shutdowns have far-reaching consequences beyond politics. In conflict zones like Gaza, Myanmar, and Sudan, shutdowns disrupt essential services, including humanitarian aid. African countries are no exception. For instance, Algeria lost an estimated $70.4 million due to internet disruptions between 2019 and 2024.

Ugandan advocate Michael Aboneka warns that the continent may see even more internet shutdowns as regimes aim to control narratives during elections and protests. The economic and social costs are profound – undermining public trust in election outcomes and exacerbating political tensions.

Disinformation has also emerged as a key tactic to manipulate African elections. The CIPESA report highlights the increasing use of artificial intelligence (AI) to create fake content that misleads voters. Politicians are weaponizing AI to discredit electoral bodies and deepen political polarization.

In Uganda, for example, AI-generated disinformation has fueled the power struggles between prominent figures such as General Muhoozi Kainerugaba and President Museveni’s son-in-law, Odrek Rwabwogo. This not only confuses voters but also distorts the political landscape, making it difficult for citizens to make informed choices.

The proliferation of disinformation diminishes trust in democratic institutions, and AI’s ability to amplify these false narratives poses a growing challenge to fair elections.

While technology has transformed some aspects of African elections, the digital divide remains a significant barrier. High data costs, poor infrastructure, and limited digital literacy exclude large portions of the population, particularly rural communities, women, and people with disabilities.

Countries like Zimbabwe, South Sudan, and the Central African Republic have some of the most expensive mobile data prices globally, preventing many citizens from accessing crucial information and participating in online civic spaces. This deepens political inequalities and prevents marginalized groups from fully engaging in the democratic process.

This article was first published on the Observer website on October 09, 2024.

Read full report on the State of Internet Freedom in Africa (SIFA) 2024.

2024 State of Internet Freedom in Africa Report Unveils the Promises and Challenges of Technology in African Elections

By FIFAfrica |

The Collaboration on International ICT Policy has launched the 11th edition of the State of Internet Freedom in Africa report. This year, the report examines the interplay between technology and elections in Africa during the so-called Year of Democracy, when at least 20 African countries were scheduled to go to the polls.

While highlighting the growing influence of technology in elections, the study documents that much of the deployment has been characterised by risks and pitfalls where the majority of authoritarian governments have selectively deployed technology to entrench their power.

The increase in Internet and mobile phone penetration rates in recent years and the adoption of technology in electoral processes such as the use of biometric voter registration and verification applications by different governments,  raised a the promise of better electoral outcomes due to the anticipated increased transparency, efficiency and affordance that technology would lend to the electoral processes, especially in 2024. However, in reality, many countries have failed to fully realise these benefits.

The study, conducted across several countries in Africa included interviews with experts in digital rights, electoral democracy, and technology. It was complimented with g literature reviews, legal and policy analysis resulting in a broad perspective on the intersection of technology and elections in Africa. Key Findings from the report including the following:

  • Democratic Governance is Under Siege: There is a significant decline in the state of democratic governance in Africa, with growing authoritarianism, coups, hereditary presidencies, weakened oversight institutions, political instability, and restricted political competition. The persistent failure to address corruption, social divisions, and economic inequality continues to undermine electoral integrity and public trust. In these contexts, political elites manipulate elections and exploit historical tensions and unresolved economic grievances to maintain power, thus eroding public trust in the democratic foundations necessary for fair and fair elections.
  • Intensification of Digital Authoritarianism: Digital authoritarianism is a growing concern in Africa as governments continue to deploy a combination of tools and tactics of repression, such as internet shutdowns, censorship of news outlets, targeted surveillance, and regressive laws to limit civic participation and suppress dissent. These practices have a significant social and economicimpacts resulting in  an environment where technology and democratic processes can be exploited to undermine democracy rather than strengthen it.
  • The Persistent Digital Divide is Deepening Political Inequalities and Exclusion: Africa’s digital divide remains a significant barrier to inclusive political participation, with rural, underserved communities and marginalised groups disproportionately affected. High internet usage costs, expensive digital devices, inadequate digital infrastructure, and low digital literacy compound political inequalities, thus limiting citizens’ ability to engage in political discourse and access critical electoral information. In the year of elections, such a disconnect is profound.
  • The Rise of AI-Enabled Disinformation Narratives: The study underscores the growing threat of misinformation and disinformation, particularly AI-generated content, in shaping electoral outcomes. AI tools were used in countries such as Rwanda and South Africa Rwanda to create deep fakes and synthetic media, manipulating public perception. Social media platforms have been slow to address this issue, and where they have, the approaches have not been uniform across countries. Disinformation campaigns can make it difficult for voters to access credible information, stifle democratic participation online, and erode citizens’ trust in democratic processes.
  • Progress and Innovation in the Use of Technology during Elections: The study has established the progress in the adoption of technologies in Ghana, Namibia, and South Africa for voter registration, results tallying and transmission, voter education, and engagement. Despite challenges in deployment, these technologies have the potential to improve electoral transparency, efficiency, and accountability. Also notable were the various initiatives to combat disinformation, build solidarity for good governance, and increase access to election information.  

The study concludes that the continent is at a crossroads as the use of technology in Africa’s 2024 elections presents both promises and pitfalls. On the one hand, technology has the potential to improve electoral transparency, promote citizen engagement, and ensure credible elections. On the other hand, the misuse of digital tools by authoritarian regimes, combined with the digital divide, the rise of disinformation, and declining constitutional governance risks undermining the democratic process. Governments, election management bodies, and civil society must work collaboratively to safeguard digital rights, promote digital inclusion, and build robust frameworks for the ethical use of technology in elections.

Secondly, while technology played a central role in the 2024 elections in several countries, one of the highlights has been the use of AI in ways that illuminate both its promises and dangers for electoral integrity and democracy. Clearly, few African countries have adopted the use of AI in elections, and this holds true for various election stakeholders, such as election observers, political parties, candidates, and Election Management Bodies (EMBs). Nonetheless, in the few countries studied where AI was adopted, some positive results could be discerned. Still, even in those countries where elements of AI were adopted, they were small-scale and did not fully exploit the promise that AI holds for enhancing the efficiency and transparency of elections.

Five Key Recommendations Emerged from the Report:

  1. Strengthen protection for digital rights: Countries should adopt progressive legal and policy frameworks that safeguard digital rights, protect privacy, entrench transparency and accountability in the technology sector, and govern the use of technologies, including artificial intelligence, in elections.
  2. Demand accountability: Civil society organisations, the tech community, media, and academia should leverage their watchdog role to document digital rights abuses, educate and raise awareness on the importance of internet freedoms, data privacy, AI governance, and their role in elections, in order to enable them to demand accountability from platforms and governments.
  3. Address the digital divide: The study proposes wide investments to expand internet access, especially in marginalised and underserved areas, together with measures to reduce the cost of access, the promotion of digital literacy, and building resilient digital infrastructure.
  4. Combat disinformation: Joint efforts bringing together social media platforms, election bodies, fact-checkers, civil society, academia, and media should be encouraged in efforts to combat disinformation. 
  5. Innovate election tech: Election management bodies should adopt transparent processes in the design, development, and deployment of election technologies, including disclosing independent audit and impact assessment reports, facilitating election observation, and independent monitoring of election technologies to promote and maintain public trust.

Find the report here.