Profiter de L’espace Numérique pour Combattre la Traite des êtres Mumains en RD Congo, en Gambie et en Mauritanie

Par Ashnah Kalemera et Simone Toussi |

L’utilisation croissante des technologies numériques en Afrique est entrain de faciliter les activités de traite de personnes dans la région. Cependant, ces mêmes technologies peuvent être mises à profit pour lutter contre ce fléau qui sévit sur le continent.

Avec le soutien du Fonds Africain pour les Droits Numériques (ADRF), le think tank juridique africain sur les droits des femmes (ALTOWR : African Legal Think Tank on Women’s Rights ) a étudié le rôle que joue l’internet pour faciliter la traite des êtres humains notamment dans les volets recrutement et publicité en ligne en République démocratique du Congo (RDC), en Gambie et en Mauritanie. En plus de résultats instructifs, le projet a produit un programme de renforcement de capacités sur la façon dont l’internet peut être utilisé pour faciliter ou mieux combattre la traite des êtres humains.

Selon le rapport annuel sur la traite des personnes (annual Trafficking in Persons Report), diverses formes de traite d’êtres humains sont pratiquées dans plusieurs pays africains. En 2020, pour 10 victimes de la traite, cinq étaient des femmes adultes et deux des filles. La RD Congo, la Gambie et la Mauritanie font partie des pays du continent où sévit ce fléau.

L’indice mondial de l’esclavage (Global Slavery Index), qui fait des statistiques à propos des lieux où l’esclavage moderne est pratiqué (travail forcé, traite des êtres humains et mariages forcés)  et les réponses gouvernementale à ce phénomène a classé les trois pays au 12ème, au 58ème et au 6ème rangs respectivement, sur un total de 167 pays étudiés au niveau mondial. Avec des taux de pénétration de l’internet de 19,2 % en RD Congo, de 63 % en Mauritanie et de 19 % en Gambie, les réseaux de traite des êtres humains dans ces pays s’appuient de plus en plus sur l’internet et les plateformes de médias sociaux pour recruter leurs victimes.

En RD Congo, on estime le nombre de victimes de la traite à plus d’un million, soumis . Dans la plupart du temps « au travail forcé dans les sites miniers artisanaux, à l’agriculture, à l’esclavage domestique, ou au recrutement d’enfants par des groupes armés pour le combat ou le soutien aux combattants, ainsi qu’au trafic sexuel ».

En effet, l’étude d’ALTOWR a révélé que les déplacements de populations causés par les conflits armés en RD Congo ont créé un environnement favorable à l’exploitation des communautés vulnérables. L’étude détaille des cas d’esclavage sexuel et de mariages forcés dans la capitale du pays, Kinshasa, ainsi qu’au Rwanda voisin ; des migrations clandestines vers l’Afrique du Sud via le Burundi et la Tanzanie ; et des enlèvements, ce qui entraine des maladies sexuellement transmissibles, notamment le VIH/SIDA, des grossesses non désirées et le paiement de lourdes rançons. Comme résultats de toutes les études de cas, il ressort que les auteurs de ces délits ont utilisé des plateformes de médias sociaux, notamment Facebook et WhatsApp, pour attirer leurs victimes.

Pour en savoir plus, lire : Le rôle de l’internet dans la croissance de la Traite des êtres humains en République Démocratique du Congo

En Gambie, on estime que 11 000 personnes sont victimes d’esclavage moderne, sur une population totale avoisinant deux millions d’habitants. Les femmes, les filles et, dans une certaine mesure, les garçons gambiens sont victimes du trafic sexuel et du travail forcé, et cela est favorisé par le fort dynamisme du secteur touristique dans ce pays.

La loi gambienne contre la traite des êtres humains a été adoptée en 2007 et le pays a créé l’agence nationale anti traite des personnes (National Agency Against Trafficking in Persons), dont les activités ont débuté en 2013 mais entravées par un manque ressources suffisantes. En conséquence, l’étude d’ALTOWR a révélé que les efforts pour poursuivre les auteurs de la traite des personnes s’avèrent «insignifiants ». Parmi les cas étudiés, notamment ceux de la traite des Gambiens vers le Moyen-Orient, il a été prouvé que la logistique du voyage est organisée en ligne.

Lisez plus de détails : Le rôle de l’Internet dans la croissance de la traite des êtres humains en Gambie

Entre-temps, les réformes contre la traite et le trafic de personnes en Mauritanie ne produisent pas les résultats escomptés. En effet, cette forme d’esclavage moderne «est ancrée dans la société, le statut d’esclave étant hérité et profondément ancré dans les castes sociales et le système social en général », dans un pays où l’on estime le nombre de victimes à 90 000 sur une population de quatre millions d’habitants. Située à cheval entre l’Afrique du Nord et l’Afrique subsaharienne, et dotée d’une frontière longue et poreuse, la Mauritanie constitue une voie de transit privilégiée pour les passeurs et les trafiquants entre l’Afrique, l’Europe et le Moyen-Orient.

Pour en savoir plus, lire : Le rôle de l’internet dans la croissance de la traite des êtres humains en Mauritanie

En Afrique, les trafiquants d’êtres humains utilisent internet pour identifier, recruter, contraindre et contrôler les victimes, ainsi que pour faire la publicité de services ou produits. Ils l’utilisent également pour blanchir les revenus illicites tirés de leurs activités. Les passeurs de migrants utilisent l’internet à des fins similaires. Le crime organisé en ligne en Afrique, du web visible au Dark web

 

Ces études recommandent aux gouvernements, à la société civile et aux autres parties prenantes des trois pays de recourir à ces mêmes plateformes de communication en ligne pour mener des campagnes de prévention et de protection ainsi que des actions de sensibilisation, notamment sur les risques, les services d’alerte disponibles et l’accès aux services d’aide (psychosociale, mentale, physique et juridique, y compris les services d’orientation). En ce qui concerne la répression, les recommandations insistent sur la nécessité de renforcer les compétences et les connaissances des autorités chargées de l’application de la loi afin de comprendre la traite des êtres humains faite via Internet. Ces études recommandent également de faire usage de la technologie pour protéger les témoins pendant les procédures pénales et de mettre en place un cadre légal spécifique relatif aux crimes sexuels en ligne et à la cyber-traite.

Les conclusions et recommandations de ces études ont servi à l’élaboration de supports de formation adaptés aux réalités dans chacun des trois pays, ciblant les survivants à ce genre de crime et les réseaux de lutte contre la traite des êtres humains. L’objectif des formations était de leur fournir des compétences techniques afin qu’ils puissent plaider pour la mise en place de stratégies de prévention et de protection. Ces formations ont touché un total de 63 bénéficiaires, comprenant des groupes de jeunes, des organisations de défense des droits des femmes et des organisations de la société civile. Elles ont été chaque fois précédées par une formation de formateurs dans chaque pays.

Les sujets de discussion qui ont émergé lors des formations ont servi d’agenda à deux tables rondes régionales [une en Français, l’autre en Anglais]. Elles ont exploré les moyens d’améliorer et de mettre en œuvre les cadres juridiques existants, de renforcer les contrôles aux frontières et de mettre en place des initiatives multiparti-prenantes visant à éradiquer les contraintes et pratiques socioculturelles qui nuisent aux droits des victimes. Les participants aux tables rondes étaient issus de l’Union africaine, du Centre Nord-Sud du Conseil de l’Europe, de l’unité de lutte contre la traite des êtres humains de l’Organisation Internationale pour les Migrations, ainsi que de plusieurs groupes de réflexion, réseaux et organisations de la société civile.

Comme résolutions, les participants se sont engagés à créer des groupes de travail nationaux pour la mise en place de plans d’action multi parties prenantes visant à mieux utiliser l’internet dans la lutte contre la traite des êtres humains. Les résultats de l’étude continueront à servir de référence pour le travail de l’ALTOWR et de CIPESA pour une meilleure utilisation des technologies numériques dans la lutte contre la traite des êtres humains en Afrique.

Leveraging the Digital Space to Combat Human Trafficking in DR Congo, The Gambia and Mauritania

By Ashnah Kalemera and Simone Toussi | 

The growth in usage of digital technologies in Africa is fuelling technology-enabled human trafficking activities in the region. But these very technologies can be leveraged to fight the vice that is sweeping across the continent..

With support from the Africa Digital Rights Fund (ADRF), the African Legal Think Tank on Women’s Rights (ALTOWR) has studied the role of the internet in fuelling human trafficking, including online recruitment and advertisement in Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo), The Gambia and Mauritania. Besides the results being enlightening, the project has produced a curriculum for skills and knowledge building on how the internet can be used to fuel or to combat human trafficking.

According to the annual Trafficking in Persons Report, many African countries experience diverse forms of human trafficking. In 2020, for every 10 victims of trafficking, five were adult women and two were girls. DR Congo, The Gambia and Mauritania  are among the countries on the continent where the vice is rife. 

The Global Slavery Index, which measures where modern slavery (forced labour, human trafficking and forced marriages) occurs and how governments are responding, ranked the three countries 12th, 58th and 6th respectively, out of 167 globally. With national internet penetration rates of 19.2% in DR Congo, 63% in Mauritania and 19% in The Gambia, human trafficking networks in these countries are increasing relying on the internet and social media platforms to recruit victims.

In the DR Congo, there are over one million estimated victims, with most trafficking involving “forced labour in artisanal mining sites, agriculture, domestic servitude, or armed groups recruiting children in combat and support roles, as well as sex trafficking.” 

Indeed, ALTOWR’s study found that population displacement due to the conflict in the DR Congo had created a favourable environment for exploitation of vulnerable communities. The study details cases of sexual slavery and forced marriages in the country’s capital Kinshasa, as well as in neighbouring Rwanda; illegal migration to South Africa via Burundi and Tanzania; and abductions, resulting in sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/ AIDS, unwanted pregnancies, and hefty ransom payments. In all case studies, the perpetrators used social media platforms including Facebook and Whatsapp to lure victims. 

Read more: Le Rôle de l’internet dans la Croissance de la Traite des Etres Humains en République Démocratique du Congo

In The Gambia, an estimated 11,000 individuals are victims of modern slavery, out of a total population of just under two million. Gambian women, girls and to some extent boys are subjected to sex trafficking and forced labour fuelled by the country’s thriving tourism sector. 

Gambia’s law against human trafficking was passed in 2007 and the country established the National Agency Against Trafficking in Persons, whose operations commenced in 2013 but are restricted by limited resources. As such, According to the ALTOWR study, efforts to prosecute perpetrators of human trafficking are “minimal.” Among the cases investigated, particularly for Gambians trafficked to the Middle East, travel logistics are arranged online.

Read more: The Role of the Internet in Fueling the Growth of Human Trafficking in The Gambia 

Meanwhile, despite reforms against trafficking and smuggling of persons in Mauritania, modern slavery “is entrenched in society with slave status being inherited and deeply rooted in social castes and wider social system” in the country where there are an estimated 90,000 victims, out of a population of four million. Located between North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa, with a long and porous border, Mauritania is a transit route for smugglers and traffickers between Africa, Europe and the Middle East. 

Read more: Le Rôle de l’internet dans la Croissance de la Traite des Etres Humains en Mauritanie

In Africa, human traffickers use the Internet to identify, recruit, coerce and control victims as well as to  advertise the services or products resulting from their exploitation. They also use it to launder the illicit revenue earned from their activities. Migrant smugglers use the Internet for similar purposes. Online African Organized Crime from Surface to Darkweb, 2020

The studies recommend that government, civil society and other stakeholders in the three countries leverage online platforms for prevention and protection campaigns as well as outreach, including on risks, avenues for reporting and access to support services (psychosocial, mental, physical and legal including referrals). On prosecution, recommendations include the need for skills and knowledge building for enforcement authorities to understand human trafficking via the internet. The studies also recommend leveraging technology for witness protection during criminal proceedings and the enactment of specific legislation on online sex crimes and cyber trafficking. 

The findings and recommendations of the studies fed into the development of country-specific curriculums that informed three in-country trainings targeted at survivors and networks working to combat human trafficking. The  aim was to equip them with tools to influence prevention and protection strategies. The trainings reached a total of 63 beneficiaries including youth groups, women’s rights organisations, and civil society organisations, and were preceded by a Trainings of Trainers (ToT) in each country. 

The discussions at the trainings fed into two regional roundtables [French and English] which explored ways to improve and implement the existing legal frameworks, strengthen border controls, and multi-stakeholder efforts to eradicate socio-cultural constraints and practices that undermine victims’ rights. Representatives in the roundtables were drawn from the African Union, the North-South Center Council of Europe, the Counter Trafficking Unit of the International Organization for Migration, alongside several think-tanks, networks, and civil society organisations. 

The engagements resulted in the establishment of country task forces to support the development of collaborative action plans that leverage the internet to push back against human trafficking. The study results will continue to inform the work by ALTOWR and CIPESA in understanding how digital technologies can best be leveraged to combat human trafficking in Africa.

Charting the Link Between Disinformation, Disruptions, Diseases and the Diaspora in Cameroon and DR Congo

By Richard Ngamita |

Disinformation on social media has been a growing concern in global politics for several years, and it is now exploding across Sub-Saharan Africa, where social media-based disinformation campaigns are increasingly being deployed by foreign entities and governments  to influence narratives.

Several socio-political and economic factors provide fertile ground for disinformation to thrive in African countries. The exploding youth population – with many coming online for the first time through social media – growth in the use and availability of internet-enabled mobile phones, ethno-religious conflicts, and insecurity are some of the factors that have contributed to the large amount of information accessible via digital media and provided new, fast-moving channels for spreading and amplifying false information.

This growth in disinformation in the region has presented a new stress test for emerging internet policy and legislative responses. For instance, in March 2020, Ethiopia enacted the Hate Speech and Disinformation Prevention and Suppression Proclamation to address hate speech and disinformation, which have historically troubled the country. However, it has been argued that whereas government regulation is legitimate to control hate speech, Ethiopia’s new law poses a threat to freedom of expression and access to information online.

In Cameroon, under the Law Relating to Cyber Security and Cyber Criminality, it is an offense to publish and propagate information online “without being able to attest its veracity” or truthfulness. In a July 2020 press conference, Cameroon’s Communication Minister, René Emmanuel Sadi, expressed concerns over “irresponsible” use of social media to tarnish the image of public officials or sabotage government actions and warned that those who continued to propagate such information on social media platforms would face the heavy arm of the law.

Other countries like Zimbabwe and Tanzania have broader media laws that have been used to target fake news. The various laws have been criticised for posing a threat to digital rights, especially when deployed as tools against critical opinion, the media, and dissent in African countries with democratic deficits.

Many African countries, including Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo), continue to grapple with disinformation, with a high risk of online activity resulting in offline harm. This report reviews the situation in these countries, where – despite relatively low connectivity levels – disinformation presents a considerable concern.

As of 2017, Cameroon had  19.7 million mobile phone subscribers  representing a penetration rate of 85%, while internet penetration was 35.6%. Meanwhile, as of December 2019, the DR Congo had an internet penetration rate of 19.2%, while mobile phone penetration was 42%.

Conflict Awareness and Disinformation

Citizens in Cameroon and the DR Congo rely on a wide range of traditional sources of information (including print and broadcast media), alongside online sources to keep abreast of social, economic and political issues. However, social media has come to play an increasing role on issues related to conflict because mainstream media is censored by their governments.

In Cameroon, tensions between Anglophone and Francophone regions date back to the country’s independence in 1961. Over the years, there have been fatal violence and protest action against the continued “francophonisation” and marginalisation of English speakers who say that the central government privileges the majority French-speaking population.

In 2015, a video showing two women and two children being shot dead by soldiers in the Far North town of Zelevet started to circulate on social media. According to a July 2018 BBC Africa Eye investigation, the government initially dismissed the video as fake news. However, Amnesty International revealed credible evidence that the Cameroon military was responsible, prompting the authorities to retract and state that the 10 soldiers depicted in the video had been arrested and would be prosecuted. Five years after the incident, a military court convicted and sentenced the soldiers to imprisonment.

Whereas the BBC Africa Eye investigation into the shooting incident revealed that several people did not like to spread hate speech and graphic violence content online, sometimes they recognised that such content could include safety information, especially for those who live in conflict areas.

cameroon
Source: Twitter

In the DR Congo, a history of armed conflict has left millions dead and the country destabilised, with continued violence perpetrated by several armed groups active in the region, including the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), and numerous militias. The United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DR Congo (MONUSCO) has operated in the region since 1999 and is the largest UN peacekeeping mission in the world.

During the 2018 elections that had been long awaited, there were reports of widespread election irregularities, with competing political parties claiming to be in the lead as several unofficial tallies started to circulate on social media. Sponsored content from Google and Facebook falsely alleged that former President Joseph Kabila’s surrogate, Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary, had won the elections. The ads were published before the official results announcement by the Electoral Commission, which had been delayed. There were internet shutdowns in key cities, which made it even harder for fact checkers to verify any information related to the elections.

RDC
Source : Twitter

Considering the elections had been postponed from November 2016 to December 2017, and then to April 2018, the circulation of false election results could have prolonged the cycle of instability.

 Role of the Diaspora Community

The diaspora community is a huge contributor to the inflaming of tensions online in both countries, often through fake accounts that regularly share hateful and inciting content against rival political factions.

During the 2018 elections in Cameroon, there were several instances of social media posts from the diaspora claiming that long-serving President Paul Biya had died. Biya went on to win the disputed elections, and two years on, social media content, often from the diaspora, continues to fuel political and ethnic tensions.

Cameroon
Source:  Facebook

With the conflict in Anglophone regions leading to calls for a break-away state and separatists actively seeking support from the Cameroonian diaspora, there is an ongoing risk that online content that depicts the Cameroonian government as repressive and violent could result in offline harm.

Source
Source: Facebook

As for the social media posts falsely claiming that Shadary had won the 2018 presidential election in DR Congo, considering the internet disruption at the time, indications are that the perpetrators of the sponsored ads and admins of the accounts in question were based in the diaspora. Lumumba aime LE CONGO (Lumumba loves Congo), which was among the key propagators of the ads, had been created just before the elections and traded on the likeness of Patrice Lumumba, a famous independence leader. Besides content claiming victory for Shadary, the page also shared posts from several fake domains or news aggregation websites like CongoActu24.com. This was another example in which disinformation had the potential to lead to offline harms within a fragile political environment.

Congo

Pandemics

Like in other African countries, Cameroon and DR Congo have seen a surge in Covid-19 disinformation online, some of it pegged on cultural, political and religious sensitivities including promotion of herbal remedies, steaming, alcohol, contradictory and speculative reports about treatments and/or confusing guidance about standard operating procedures (SOPs).

The spread of disinformation around diseases can be a public health risk, as has been the case in Cameroon and the DR Congo regarding Ebola and, more recently, Covid-19. Disease disinformation undermines confidence in underlying science, slows down sensitisation, politicises health activities and questions the motives of health officials.

DR Congo is no novice to pandemics, having borne the brunt of the Ebola outbreak between 2017 and  2019. In May 2020, France 24 News reported a Covid-19 fake news campaign in DR Congo. The France 24 reports were later corroborated by Facebook and DFRLab, which linked the network to a politician called Honore Mvula. The network carried several Covid-19 false claims attributed to public figures including French infectious disease expert Didier Raoult, French president Emmanuel Macron and Madagascar president Andry Rajoelina and these made rounds on Congolese Facebook pages, recording a high rate of engagement. Mvula denied the allegations against him. Facebook took down the pages.

FFRDC

Internet Disruption

Cameroon and DR Congo have a history of ordering internet disruptions on multiple occasions during public protests and elections. In January 2017, internet connectivity was restricted in the Anglophone region of Cameroon following dissent and calls for succession from the Francophone region. The disruption, which lasted for over 230 days until March 2018 is recorded as the longest internet shutdown on the continent.

Similarly, in the DR Congo, instability in the country has been continuously characterised by persistent internet shutdowns since December 2011. Following a relatively peaceful voting day on December 30, 2018, the government shut down the internet on December 31 and progressively, broadcast  media, and expelled some international journalists reporting on the elections. The official reasons provided by policymakers were “to avoid fake results from circulating”.

According to analysts, the internet shutdown in Cameroon cost the economy USD 1.67 million per day, while the shutdown in DR Congo  cost the economy USD 3 million per day.

Net block
Source: Twitter

Internet shutdowns during elections are a common and growing trend of digital repression especially in authoritarian countries in Africa, whose leaders have been in power for many years. When governments impose information blackouts or curtail the free flow of information online through other means, disinformation thrives as fact-checking and the production of counter-narratives are hampered. In the case of Cameroon and DR Congo, that disinformation, much of it originating from the diaspora, propagates hate speech and disinformation that threaten to exacerbate civil strife and undermine electoral integrity. In turn, the shutdowns and the disinformation propagated by state and non-state actors, are eroding technology’s potential to enhance electoral integrity, to civic engagement and the fight against diseases such as Covid-19.

Netblock1
Source: Twitter

Overcoming Disinformation

Accounts of targeted messaging during elections have become common, and they are particularly concerning as the content of the messages is often misleading, out-rightly false, or inciting. This recent rise of online campaigning through social media platforms has thus raised further concerns about how the required data is obtained, the extent to which African democracies are vulnerable to foreign interference, the ways in which social media algorithms are prone to manipulation, and the ethics of using African countries as a testing ground for new digital technologies.

Whereas efforts to legislate against disinformation are human rights pressure points, alternative countermeasures, in collaboration with social media platform operators, hold some promise. In 2020, several sub Saharan African governments partnered with social media platforms and other intermediaries to fight Covid-19 disinformation. Earlier in 2018, Cameroon directly engaged with Facebook to explore opportunities for fighting the spread of false and misleading information within the country. Meanwhile, promoting digital literacy skills and fact checking capacity, and creating awareness about what is unacceptable content on platforms and how to report objectionable content, remain key needed actions. Hence efforts and other measures to combat disinformation and other harmful content, including around elections and in the fight against Covid-19, require closer collaboration between governments, civil society and platforms than we have witnessed this far.

Richard Ngamita is a Data Researcher who currently works on human rights, disinformation and espionage. He previously worked at Google with the Spam team. He has also led investigative research across health, agriculture and refugee movements.

Call for Proposals: Defending Digital Rights through Policy Advocacy

Call for Proposals |

Since its launch in 2019, the Africa Digital Rights Fund (ADRF) has worked to grow the number of individuals and organisations that work to advance digital rights in Africa through rapid response and flexible grants. Furthermore, the fund has provided technical and institutional support to further enhance grantee’s efforts and ensure sustainability.

Inspired by the exceptional work of grantees to date, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) has partnered with the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) to support select current or previous ADRF grantees to deploy a six-month policy advocacy campaign that furthers the conversation on internet freedom.

Building on existing efforts, recipients will be encouraged to use the Democratic Principles for an Open Internet and/or the Open Internet for Advocacy Playbook as a framework for the advocacy campaigns focused on advancing internet freedom. Recipients will also be encouraged to engage with diverse stakeholder groups in the advocacy projects, including local private sector organizations, and government ministries focused on the digital economy when relevant. 

Grant amounts will range between USD 5,000 and USD 8,000 based on the need and scope of the proposed intervention. 

Applicants MUST be a previous or current ADRF grantee organization.

The deadline for submissions is March 5, 2021. 

The application form can be accessed here.

Duration

The grant period will last approximately six months. (Approximate start date: April 2021)

Expectations 

  • Implement a policy advocacy initiative that promotes and protects digital rights at a local, national, or regional level. Advocacy plans must articulate how the project contributes to conversations on advancing internet freedom and outline the potential impact of the project activities. Applicants are strongly encouraged to incorporate the use of the Democratic Principles for an Open Internet and/or the Open Internet for Democracy Advocacy Playbook in proposed advocacy initiatives. Preference will also be given to project plans that demonstrate: A) the desire to implement a policy advocacy campaign that furthers the conversation on the intersection between internet freedom and an inclusive digital economy; and B) the ability and/or interest to engage with diverse stakeholder groups such as local chambers of commerce, business associations, economic think tanks, and/or entrepreneurs.
    • Examples of what projects might entail include:
      • Organizing an advocacy campaign to raise awareness aimed at equipping policymakers with information about the pitfalls of policies inspired by digital authoritarianism. 
      • Conducting multi-stakeholder workshops or roundtable discussions and developing a policy paper that provides key recommendations on how a proposed government action or policy could be improved to advance the development of an online space that promotes digital rights and an inclusive digital economy. 
  • Provide frequent updates to CIPESA on progress made during the advocacy initiative, and seek guidance from CIPESA as needed. 
  • Prepare a short report on the project activities and outcomes from the advocacy initiative, to be shared with CIPE and CIPESA. The report should also include a list of key stakeholders that were involved in any advocacy-related activities, such as multi-stakeholder dialogues. 
  • Participate in a regional dialogue focused on how to advance digital rights across Africa. (Location and dates TBD). 

Selection Criteria 

  • Demonstrated track record from the organization’s work as a current or previous ADRF grantee organization. 
  • Strength, feasibility, and anticipated impact of the proposed project.
  • Ability to travel and present at a regional dialogue which furthers the conversation on internet freedom (location TBD; costs covered for one representative from each selected organization; In-person participation in the event is contingent on health considerations related to the COVID-19 pandemic. Selected candidates are expected to participate online if the events are moved online due to COVID-19).

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