Rollout of Digital Number Plates Poses Privacy Concerns in Uganda

By CIPESA Writer |

The rollout of the digital number plate system in Uganda is well underway. At a press conference last month, the Ministry of Works and Transport announced January 2025 as the deadline for full roll out. The system – over two years in the making – is a joint project between the government of Uganda and Russian company Joint Stock Company Global Security and has caused alarm among rights activists as it introduces another layer of massive personal data collection and processing amidst weak controls.

The stated objective of the Intelligent Transport Monitoring System (ITMS) is to improve the country’s transport management systems and security by enabling the authorities to “swiftly identify vehicles involved in criminal activities and improve traffic management through efficient ticketing and revenue collection”. It will involve the installation of digital number plates on all vehicles and motorcycles in the country, allowing security agencies to track and pinpoint their location at any one time.

  Overview of ITMS
Digital Number Plate ComponentsStatus of Fitment on Government Vehicles as at June 2024Target Installations (Registered Vehicles as at July 2024)
Aluminium plates – front and back1,0912,145, 988
A tracker
A sim chip
Bluetooth beacons – front and back
Snap locks

Once rolled out, the digital plates will add to the catalogue of surveillance apparatus in Uganda. The country already has a plethora of retrogressive laws, such as the Regulation of Interception of Communications Act 2010 and the Anti-Terrorism Act 2002 that require communication service providers to aid in intercepting communication by ensuring that their systems are always technically capable of supporting lawful interception. The laws also grant powers to an authorised officer to intercept the communications of a person and to conduct surveillance of individuals.

The components of the digital number plates will enable the government through its security agencies, such as the police, to swiftly identify vehicles and their owners. Instantaneous data exchanges pose major challenges to data privacy, especially in cases where there are calculated targets such as civil society organisations (CSOs), human rights defenders (HRDs), activists, and political opponents, government critics, or dissidents.

An added concern is that, according to the Uganda Police, the digital number plate system will be integrated with the Closed Circuit Television System (CCTV) system and others such as the motor vehicle registration system, the e-tax system managed by the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) and the national identity database managed by the National Identification and Registration Authority (NIRA) to “ensure comprehensive vehicle and personal identification.” Given weak controls over data held by public bodies and rare punishment for data breaches and unauthorised access, linking these databases absent clear data-sharing frameworks and robust controls poses grave concerns. Notably, Uganda does not have a law or regulations governing CCTV/ video surveillance.

Whereas there are efforts to localise parts of the system through the establishment of a local production facility for the various components, the partnership with Joint Stock Company Global Security underscores Uganda’s reliance on foreign entities for purposes of conducting surveillance and interception of private communication of its citizens. For example, in August 2022, there were reports that the Uganda Police had purchased UFED, a technology developed by the Israeli firm Cellebrite that enables authorities to hack into password-protected smartphones.

Earlier, starting in 2018, Uganda turned to a Chinese company, Huawei, for the supply and installation of CCTV across major cities. The decision to install the CCTV cameras came on the heels of a spate of murders that had engulfed the country, with the security forces keen on using the CCTV cameras to improve security in the country. Like many other government security procurements, the CCTV deal raised a lot of transparency and accountability issues, including the secrecy that surrounded the entire process.

Additionally, there were reports that security agencies were working with Huawei technicians in Uganda to spy on opposition critics by intercepting encrypted communications and using cell data to track their movements. This appeared to be the continuation of a trend that was documented earlier in 2012, when the Uganda government reportedly relied on a Germany-made spyware, FinFisher, which it is said to have covertly installed in various places, including hotels, the parliament and key government institutions, for purposes of surveilling on its opponents, including politicians, civil society, and the media.

Given the country’s history of repressing the civic space and harassing political opponents, CSOs and HRDs, the ITMS digital number plates could further the suppression of civil liberties, including political participation, freedom of expression, access to information and assembly and association. Moreover, deeper democratic regression could occur since these liberties largely depend on privacy and the ability to express oneself with minimal interruptions or interference.

While the government has a legitimate desire to improve the security of its people and transport management, recent events as discussed above where the same government has used the acquired technologies to surveil its citizens and undermine digital rights, it is critical that any future attempt to enhance its surveillance apparatus is anchored in law with clear oversight mechanisms. This is because the deployment of surveillance technologies such as ITMS, FinFisher, and Huawei’s CCTV present a veritable avenue for economic and political exploitation by collecting extensive data on people’s behaviour, location, activities, and interests online and offline. This makes the risk of violation of privacy apparent, rendering citizens helpless because they essentially have no control over how the data will be used, even when they are aware that data is being collected.

It is, therefore, important that the government reduce its reliance on foreign-manufactured surveillance technologies, particularly from countries whose human rights record is wanting, as these have tended to use these tools to suppress civic spaces. In addition, the government should reconsider its regulatory framework to ensure it conforms to international standards on privacy and data protection, especially during the procurement and deployment of potentially intrusive technology that is prone to abuse.

East and Southern African National Human Rights Commissions Trained in Digital Rights Protection

By CIPESA Writer |

As part of its ongoing efforts to enhance the ability of African National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) to monitor, protect, and promote digital freedoms, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) last month conducted a two-day capacity-building training that attracted NHRI representatives from Lesotho, Mozambique, Tanzania, Uganda, Zimbabwe, and Zambia.

The two-day training that was held in Nairobi, Kenya, on June 25 and 26, 2024, sought to empower staff of NHRIs in the region to engage with the opportunities and challenges that digital technology poses for human rights protection and monitoring of digital rights. In his opening remarks, CIPESA Executive Director Dr. Wairagala Wakabi noted that NHRIs play a critical role in the protection and promotion of human rights, and given the deteriorating state of digital rights in the region, it was important that they are equipped to deal with the intersection between the digital and the traditional human rights. According to the Paris Principles, NHRIs are required to have a broad mandate that allows them to effectively execute their mandate of promoting and protecting human rights, both offline and online.

The Nairobi training followed a similar training that CIPESA conducted in Ethiopia for staff of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC), who identified key actions the commission could integrate in its annual work plans, such as digital rights monitoring, advocacy for enabling laws to be enacted, and developing tools for follow up on implementation of recommendations on digital rights by treaty bodies and the United Nations Human Rights Council.

Digital Rights as Human Rights

Digital rights have been recognised at both international and regional levels. For example, in 2018, during its 38th session, the United Nations Human Rights Council adopted resolution A/HRC/RES/38/7 that reaffirmed that “the same rights that people have offline must also be protected online.” In 2016, the United Nations General Assembly passed a non-binding resolution on “the promotion, protection, and enjoyment of human rights on the Internet,” condemning any measures taken by state parties to prevent or disrupt internet access and calling upon them to refrain from and cease any such measures.

In March 2024, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights passed resolution ACHPR.Res.580 (LXXVIII)2024 on Internet Shutdowns and Elections in Africa “reaffirming the importance of access to the internet in the digital age and its implication for the realisation of human rights”. The resolution called upon member states to “refrain from ordering the interruption of telecommunications services, shutting down the internet, and/or disrupting access to any other digital communication platforms before, during or after the elections.”

Challenges Facing NHRIs

In many cases, African NHRIs have found themselves operating in an increasingly hostile environment with limited funding and hostility from state agencies, who sometimes view their role as countering and incriminating the government in human rights violations. In addition, because of the limited funding, many NHRIs are not in a position to recruit or improve the level of expertise among their staff members, especially when it comes to new and emerging technologies and how they affect the enjoyment of human rights. Participants acknowledged that, in many cases, they are always playing catch-up when it comes to legislation, yet they are supposed to be the primary advisors and reviewers of draft laws related to human rights.

In his remarks, Victor Kapiyo, one of the trainers, noted that the adoption of digital technologies has brought up new human rights issues, particularly as governments have reacted by enacting laws that have, for the most part, served to stifle human rights as opposed to facilitating their enjoyment. On the other hand, digital technologies have also facilitated the spread of hate speech, disinformation, and technology-facilitated gender-based violence. It is important that NHRIs keep enhancing their capacity to monitor, investigate, and protect against violations of digital rights by both governments and private actors, including big tech companies.

Practical Strategies for NHRIs

During the training, participants discussed an array of strategies that they can adopt to monitor, document, and protect digital rights, including the use of practical legal and policy guidance set out in the Rabat Plan of Action, as well as Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights when engaging with governments and business entities especially technological companies in regards to their obligations to respect, protect and promote human rights.

Participants also noted the need to engage with security agencies, the justice department, and policymakers on issues of digital rights. It was noted that because the concept of digital rights in Africa is new and evolving with limited understanding and jurisprudence, NHRIs need to constantly retool themselves on the emerging issues if they are to execute their mandates effectively. Other strategies included building coalitions and collaborations with civil society actors, the media and academia to help unpack and create awareness about digital rights.

The training was facilitated by trainers from CIPESA, Internews, the International Centre for Non-Profit Law, and the Kenya National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC).

CIPESA Partners with AfricTivistes for the Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa 2024 (FIFAfrica24)

Announcement |

The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) is pleased to announce a partnership with the Dakar-based AfricTivistes for the upcoming Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa 2024 (FIFAfrica24) set to take place on September 25-27, 2024 in Senegal. This partnership marks a significant milestone in ongoing efforts to advance digital democracy by both entities.

Established in 2015, AfricTivistes – the African League of Cyber-Activists and Bloggers for Democracy is a pan-African organisation that promotes and defends democracy, good governance and human rights through digital means. Across its programs, AfricTivistes works to foster digital transformation and enhanced citizenship in Africa led by change actors.

Indeed, AfricTivistes’ mission resonates with the goals of CIPESA and, ultimately, FIFAfrica, thus marking the foundation for an inclusive, informative, and responsive conference. Through its extensive network of actors, AfricTvistes brings to the Forum regional expertise and an in-depth understanding of advocacy and engagement for civic, social and political transformation.

“This partnership with CIPESA to organise a successful FIFAfrica is essential, as it will enable highlighting the state of participatory democracy in this region of Africa where it faces numerous challenges, and ultimately advance digital democracy by all stakeholders.”, noted Cheikh Fall, President of AfricTivistes.

The CIPESA-AfricTivistes partnership follows in FIFAfrica’s track record of galvanising multi-stakeholder efforts for shared strategies for advancing rights, participation and innovation online. Co-hosts of previous editions have included the Tanzania Ministry of Information, Communication and Information Technology (2023), the Zambia Ministry of Technology and Science (2022), Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Slovenia, Presidency of the Council of European Union (EU) 2021 (2021) and Paradigm Initiative (2020). The 2019, 2018 and 2017 editions of FIFAfrica were co-hosted with the Ethiopia Ministry of Innovation and Technology (MINT), Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) and the Association for Progressive Communications (APC), respectively.

This year, FIFAfrica24 – the first edition to be hosted in Francophone Africa – will serve as a key channel that feeds into the way ahead for digital rights in Africa and the role that different stakeholders need to play to realise the Digital Transformation Strategy for Africa and Declaration 15 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The Declaration notes that the spread of information and communications technology and global interconnectedness has great potential to accelerate human progress, to bridge the digital divide and to develop knowledge societies.

FIFAfrica24 objectives:

  1. Enhance Networking and Collaboration:  the Forum provides a platform that assembles African thought leaders and networks working on internet freedom from diverse stakeholder groups.
  2. Promote Access To Information: Since inception, FIFAfrica has commemorated September 28, the International Day for Universal Access to Information (IDUAI), creating awareness about access to information offline and online and its connection to wider freedoms and democratic participation.
  3. Practical Skills and Knowledge Development: The Forum features pre-event practical training workshops for various stakeholders on a range of internet freedom issues, including technical aspects of internet access, policy developments, digital resilience, and advocacy strategies.
  4. Showcase Advocacy Efforts: FIFAfrica provides a space for entities advancing digital rights to showcase their work through artistic installations, photography, reports, interactive platforms and physical stalls with organisational representatives.
  5. Connect Research to Policy Discussions: The annualState of Internet Freedom in Africa report, a themed report produced by CIPESA, has been launched at FIFAfrica since 2014. The report has served to inform policy and advocacy efforts around the continent.
  6. Strategic Networks: FIFAfrica has served as a platform for strategic meetings to be held, offering various African and global networks the opportunity to directly engage with each other and with the extended digital rights community.

We encourage all stakeholders, including policymakers, civil society organisations, technology experts, academics, and members of the media, to join us in Dakar, Senegal, for FIFAfrica24 in person or remotely. Registration is required and can be completed here.

For more information and updates, please visit www.internetfreedom.africa and stay tuned for announcements regarding the event including agenda and speaker line-ups.

Together with AfricTivistes, we are committed to fostering an environment where digital rights are upheld, and internet freedom is a reality for all Africans.

For further information contact [email protected].

CIPESA Joins Call Against Internet Shutdowns In Kenya During #RejectTheFinanceBill2024 Picketing

Statement |

The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) has joined the Kenya ICT Action Network (LICTANET), Paradigm Initiative, and Internet Society Kenya Chapter in a call against internet shutdowns in Kenya during the ongoing #RejectTheFinanceBill2024 picketing.

The call states. “We strongly urge the Kenyan government to refrain from enforcing any Internet shutdowns or information controls in response to the ongoing protests against the Finance Bill 2024 through the hashtag #RejectFinanceBill2024. Such measures would infringe on the fundamental rights and freedoms of Kenyans as well as negatively impact Kenya’s economy, democracy, and reputation in the eyes of the international community.”

Kenya’s constitution and international human rights legislation safeguard the fundamental rights to freedom of expression, access to information, and picketing, which would be violated by internet shutdowns, censorship, and other information controls. By preventing citizens from engaging in public conversation and holding the government accountable, internet disruptions subvert democratic processes.

A blackout of the internet in Kenya will have disastrous economic effects for example:

  1. Kenya’s thriving e-commerce business would be severely disrupted. Kenya’s e-commerce market is predicted to reach US$801.4 million (Ksh 103 billion) by the end of 2024. The Internet Society’s Pulse NetLoss calculator estimates that a total Internet outage may cost Kenya’s economy Ksh 810 million (US$6.3m) in lost Gross Domestic Product (GDP) every day.
  2. Millions of Kenyans who depend on these services for daily transactions including banks, would be impacted by the paralysis of the mobile money industry, which includes M-Pesa, which handles over Ksh 6 billion transactions annually valued at over Ksh 6.4 trillion (US$50 billion).
  3. There would be major setbacks for Kenya’s digital startup sector, which attracted Ksh 141.3 billion (US$1.1 billion) in funding in 2022 and would cause investor confidence to decline.
  4. However short-lived, Internet disruptions affect many facets of the national economy and their effect persists far beyond the days on which access is disrupted. They carry reputational risk, hurt investor confidence, disrupt supply chains, and can discourage foreign direct investments (FDI).
  5. The tourism sector, which makes up a sizeable portion of Kenya’s GDP, would suffer because travelers rely mostly on internet connectivity to make reservations and obtain information.
  6. Furthermore, Internet shutdowns would hinder emergency services and access to vital information during crises. They would also damage Kenya’s reputation as a hub for technology and innovation in East Africa, as well as Africa’s Silicon Savannah.

The #FinanceBill2024 has already encountered strong opposition, and in particular, using digital activism. This has prompted the Kenya government to withdraw several contentious clauses. This illustrates the value of having open lines of communication between the public and the government and the influence that public discourse may have.

We urge the government to respect democratic values, have an honest conversation with demonstrators, and answer their concerns transparently.

A peaceful resolution of the current crisis and the maintenance of Kenya’s democratic and economic development depend on keeping lines of communication open and protecting and prioritizing Internet access.

For any clarification and media briefing, contact [email protected]

The ADRF Awards USD 134,000 to 10 Initiatives to Advance Tech Accountability in Africa

Announcement |

The grant recipients of the eighth round of the Africa Digital Rights Fund (ADRF) will implement projects focused on Artificial Intelligence (AI), hate speech, disinformation, microtargeting, network disruptions, data access, and online violence against women journalists and politicians. The work of the 10 initiatives, who were selected from 130 applications, will span the breadth of the African continent in advancing tech accountability.

“The latest round of the ADRF is supporting catalytic work in response to the urgent need to counter the harms of technology in electoral processes,” said Ashnah Kalemera, the Programmes Manager at the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) – the administrators of the Fund. She added that for many of the initiatives being supported, tech accountability was a new area of work but the various projects’ advocacy, research and storytelling efforts would prove instrumental in pushing for tech justice

Established in 2019 as a rapid response and flexible funding mechanism, the ADRF aims to overcome the limitations of reach, skills, resources, and consistency in engagement faced by new and emerging initiatives working to defend and promote rights and innovation in the face of growing digital authoritarianism and threats to digital democracy in Africa. The sum of USD 134,000 awarded in the latest round, which was administered by CIPESA in partnership with Digital Action, brings to USD 834,000 the total amount awarded by the ADRF since inception to 62 initiatives across the continent.

According to Kalemera, the growth in the number of applicants to the ADRF reflects the demand for seed funding for digital rights work on the continent. Indeed, whereas the call for proposals for the eighth round was limited to tech accountability work, many applicants submitted  strong proposals on pertinent issues such as digital inclusion, media and information literacy, digital safety and security, surveillance, data protection and privacy, access and affordability – underscoring the cruciality of the ADRF. 

Here’s What the Grantees Will be Up To

In the lead-up to local government elections in Tanzania, Jamii Forums will engage content hosts, creators and journalists on obligations to tackle hate speech and disinformation online as a means to safeguard electoral integrity. In parallel, through its Jamii Check initiative, Jamii Forums will raise public awareness about the harms of disinformation and hate speech.

Combating hate speech and disinformation is also the focus of interventions supported in Senegal and South Sudan. Ahead of elections in the world’s youngest nation, DefyHateNow will monitor and track hate speech online in South Sudan, host a stakeholder symposium in commemoration of the International Day for Countering Hate Speech as a platform for engagement on collective action to combat hate speech, and run multi-media campaigns to raise public awareness on the harms of hate speech. Post elections in Senegal, Jonction will analyse the link between disinformation and network disruptions and engage stakeholders on alternatives to disruptions in future elections.

In the Sahel region, events leading up to coups in Chad, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have been characterised by restrictions on media and internet freedom, amidst which disinformation and violent extremism thrived. As some of the states in the region, notably Burkina Faso and Mali, move towards an end to military rule and head to the polls, the Thoth Media Research Institute will research disinformation and its role in sustaining authoritarian narratives and eroding human rights. The learnings from the research will form the basis of stakeholder convenings on strategies to combat disinformation in complex political, social, and security landscapes. Similarly, Internet Sans Frontières (ISF) will study the role of political microtargeting in shaping campaign strategies and voter behaviour, and the ultimate impact on the rights to privacy and participation in Mali. 

In South Africa, the Legal and Resources Centre (LRC), will raise awareness about the adequacy and efficacy of social media platforms’ content moderation policies and safeguards as well as online political advertising models in the country’s upcoming elections. The centre will also provide legal services for reparations and litigate for reforms related to online harms.

A study has found that Africa’s access to data from tech platforms, for research and monitoring electoral integrity, was below that in Europe and North America. Increased access to platform data for African researchers, civil society organisations, and Election Management Bodies (EMBs) would enable a deeper understanding of online content and its harms on the continent, and inform mitigation strategies. Accordingly, the ADRF will support Research ICT Africa to coordinate an alliance to advocate for increased data access for research purposes on the continent and to develop guidelines for ethical and responsible access to data to study elections-related content.

The impact of AI on the information ecosystem and democratic processes in Africa is the focus of two grantees’ work. On the one hand, the Eastern Africa Editors Society will assess how editors and journalists in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Ethiopia have adopted AI and to what extent they adhere to best practice and the principles of the Paris Charter on AI and Journalism. On the other hand, the Outbox Foundation through its Thraets initiative will research the risks of AI-generated disinformation on elections, with a focus on Ghana and Tunisia. The findings will feed into tutorials for journalists and fact checkers on identifying and countering AI-generated disinformation as part of elections coverage, and awareness campaigns on the need for transparency on the capabilities of AI tools and their risks to democracy. 

Meanwhile, a group of young researchers under the stewardship of the Tanda Community-Based Organisation will research how deep fakes and other forms of manipulated media contribute to online gender-based violence against women journalists and politicians in the context of elections in Ghana, Senegal, and Namibia. The study will also compare the effectiveness of the legal and regulatory environment across the three countries in protecting women online, hold consultations and make recommendations for policy makers, platforms  and civil society on how to promote a safe and inclusive digital election environment for women.

Past and present supporters of the ADRF include the Centre for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), the Ford Foundation, the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), the German Society for International Cooperation Agency (GIZ), the Omidyar Network, the Hewlett Foundation, the Open Society Foundations, the Skoll Foundation and New Venture Fund (NVF).