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20Dec

Ongoing Power Cuts Set Back South Africa’s Gains on Digital Access 

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By Tusi Fokane |

Over the last 15 years, South Africa has been caught in the midst of  an energy crisis with 2023 marking the most challenging period. The country experienced record-breaking power cuts, resulting in 300 days of load shedding at an economic cost of ZAR 1 billion per day (USD 55 million).  The power cuts which in some instances run up to eight hours a day have impacted South African society in various ways including through a rise in crime, reduced access to economic opportunities, health care, education and essential government services. There have also been concerns raised on the impact of load shedding on access to the internet. 

Internet access concerns fueled by the power cuts have included data affordability, availability of pre-paid internet packages, and convenience of access.  Whilst telecommunications companies have taken steps to minimise access disruptions, by investing in increased security, back-up, and alternative sources of energy, experts have warned that the continued power disruptions would exacerbate the digital divide, particularly for rural and poor communities. As part of efforts to avert the crisis, in May 2023,  the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA), established a committee to assess the impact of load shedding on consumers of electronic communications, broadcasting, and postal services towards informing regulatory interventions for the sector.  

Meanwhile, according to the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) telecommunications companies are lobbying for the declaration of the sector as a national strategic asset under the Critical Infrastructure Protection Act. The law deems a sector critical if it is essential for the economy, national security, public safety and the continuous provision of basic public services.

A Fracturing Digital Access Divide 

An estimated 79 percent of the South African population has access to the internet, predominantly through their mobile devices. Access to the internet, particularly in the post-Covid-19 environment, increased reliance on the sector as internet access facilitated many digital activities such as remote work and e-learning. However, the frequency of load shedding affects digital gains particularly for small businesses and students, leaving those without access to alternative sources of power, often unable to access internet services effectively.  According to Accountability Lab, citizens who can afford extra internet data, generators, and solar panels are managing to cope with the power outages. However, the Lab notes a widening of the gap between “digital haves and have-nots” and stresses that ”with limited access to online education and work options, citizens who are already struggling to afford the cost of living find themselves further behind.” Activists have warned that any load shedding mitigation undertaken by mobile network operators should not come at the expense of poor consumers who run the risk of being charged more for data services. 

Indeed, in a country with one of the highest inequality levels in the world, and an unemployment rate of 42 percent, there are concerns that continued load shedding is contributing to inequality and deepening the digital divide. Lower-income households have resorted to staying up until midnight waiting to benefit from “internet happy hours” where data packages are offered at cheaper rates than daytime packages.

Money Spent on Mitigating Load Shedding Could be Used to Expand Rural Access

Telecommunications service providers have not been spared from the consequences of the power cuts. The country’s second-largest mobile operator – MTN South Africa – reportedly spent ZAR 6.6 billion ( USD 360 million) on improvements to its network in 2023. Competitor, Vodacom, is set to increase its annual infrastructure spend to  ZAR 12 billion (USD 654 million) to strengthen its network. The investments will go towards back-up power systems (additional batteries, fuel and generators, and alternative energy sources) at their base stations and data centres. In addition, operators face increased security costs, due to theft and vandalism at their sites including the potential theft of high-capacity batteries which can fetch high values on the black market. 

The investment into back-up systems and batteries is key as longer periods of load shedding often result in batteries not charging sufficiently, affecting network availability, particularly in rural areas.  ICASA was recently taken to task by Members of Parliament for not conducting effective oversight in ensuring access to adequate network coverage. It was noted that service providers generally take their time to get to rural areas when there is a breakage or theft of cables or batteries, which undermines network stability in affected communities. The Select Committee Chair on Public Enterprises and Communication highlighted that internet access “is now no longer a matter of privilege but rather a right to have reliable signal” adding that ICASA needs to be firm and ensure that communications services are consistently provided. 

However, further challenges remain in rural areas which still face insufficient infrastructure deployment. Network operators concede that ongoing load shedding diverts much-needed capital away from rural infrastructure projects and new technologies. Concerns have also been raised on the negative impact to consumers, who will likely carry the additional costs through higher tariffs. Higher income earners have invested in fibre and wireless solutions to maintain connectivity during load shedding, but this comes with the additional costs of installing uninterruptible power supply (UPS). Some experts suggest that satellites, coupled with alternative energy sources, may be more resilient during higher stages of load shedding, or in the event of a total grid collapse. 

Industry stakeholders, through the Association of Comms and Technology have been lobbying for increased government support through policy reform and fuel subsidy rebates in order to avert a digital doomsday scenario where digital networks fail as a result of ongoing power cuts. The industry eagerly awaits the outcome of the ICASA committee on the impact of load shedding on the communications sector, which will hopefully also provide some relief to South African internet users.

18Dec

Growing the Capacity of  Journalists and Advocates to Tackle Electoral Disinformation in Congo

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By Nadine Kampire and CIPESA Writer |

The lead up to the December 2023 general elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) has seen an exponential growth in disinformation, particularly on social media. In a country with long-standing armed conflicts and where only one peaceful transfer of power has been witnessed in 63 years of independence, the deluge of disinformation threatens to deepen social division, undermine electoral integrity, and stoke post-election violence.

While journalists can play a critical role in countering falsehoods by providing accurate and unbiased information to the public, many Congolese journalists lack the skills and resources to identify, fact-check, and call out disinformation and hate speech. On the other hand, some mainstream media houses – particularly those owned by politicians – are actively disseminating disinformation and hate speech.

Ahead of the elections, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) worked with Congolese partners to build the capacity of journalists, activists and fact-checkers to fight disinformation. The engagements centred on tackling electoral disinformation as well as disinformation and hate speech related to the armed conflict in eastern parts of Congo.

Peace has eluded the Congo for decades. Much of the political turbulence and armed conflict has stemmed from the unwillingness of leaders to relinquish power, the run-away corruption, a central government that lacks control over large swatches of its territory, and the proliferation of armed groups in areas where the central government is absent.

In turn, politicians, armed groups and their allies exploit the social and economic challenges to stoke  tension by manipulating public opinion to generate support for their extremist political views or groups and channelling the public anger to promote hate speech and disinformation to further escalate the ethnic and regional conflicts. 

The December 20, 2023 presidential election has attracted 20 candidates, including the incumbent, Felix Tshisekedi, who is standing for his second and final term. His first term has been dogged by the M23 rebellion in the east of the country, which Congo says is supported by the Rwanda government, with whom the former broke diplomatic ties. 

In late 2022, CIPESA convened a meeting for Congolese and Rwandan journalists and digital rights activists to discuss how they could play a more effective role in countering disinformation in the conflict between the two countries. That meeting gave journalists and activists an intimate understanding of the nature of disinformation related to the conflict, its instigators and spreaders, and drew up pathways for the journalists and activists to better combat disinformation. 

In the earlier part of 2023, CIPESA and partners conducted interviews among journalists and human rights defenders in eastern Congo and border areas in Rwanda, including those involved in earlier capacity development engagements. From their accounts, it was apparent that conflict-related disinformation had grown exponentially as armed conflict intensified and relations between Congo and Rwanda further deteriorated. On the other hand, as elections drew closer, electoral disinformation bloomed too. Worryingly, journalists and government officials were among the main instigators and agents of disinformation.

The interviews indicated that the information war in the country had expanded. The country’s long history of political instability has created an environment where misinformation, disinformation and hate speech thrive, particularly on social media. As a result, social cohesion continues to be undermined, while armed conflict is fuelled. Divisions among the country’s diverse ethnic groups, and the deterioration of diplomatic relations with Rwanda, contributed to escalating tensions and hostility. 

Last July, CIPESA again gathered journalists, human rights defenders and civil society players from Congo and Rwanda in the border town of Rubavu to grow their capacity and draw up efforts to counter electoral disinformation and hate speech. As media consultant Pascal Chirhalwirwa told the meeting, while it required commitment to combat the spread of disinformation, journalists and social media influencers had a primary role to fact-check news and create awareness about disinformation. Chirhalwirwa said unless digital literacy is created among community members by trusted actors such as independent journalists, efforts to fight disinformation will attain limited results.

Sammy Mupfuni, director of the fact-checking agency Congo Check, stated that electoral disinformation had raised tensions in communities, adding that several content creators and media houses had aligned themselves with factions on whose behalf they disseminated disinformation.

Many media houses in Congo are owned by politicians, many of whom shamelessly use them to promote partisan interests, including through the use of disinformation. The fact that many media houses struggle to maintain commercial viability means they are easily compromised to propagate disinformation and hate speech. The long-established, widespread, and corrupt practice of coupage, whereby journalists receive a cash payment for covering an event or reporting certain information, is funnelling disinformation narratives even in mainstream media.

Instigators of disinformation mostly use social media platforms, such as Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp, to mobilise support along ethnic lines, to discredit rival candidates and parties, to try and disenfranchise voters, and in some cases promote violence against groups of minorities or their political opponents. Indeed, labelling rivals “fake Congolese” or “candidate of the aggressor country” has been commonplace.

The weak media environment in the DR Congo and low media literacy among citizens enable the spread of false information without being challenged or fact-checked. 

Whereas CIPESA’s engagements during 2022 and 2023, alongside initiatives such as  Afia Amani, Congo Check and Blogoma are working to push back against disinformation, to promote community awareness about the problem and to promote digital literacy, particularly in eastern Congo, their reach remains limited given the enormity of the problem and the resources which disinformation promoters possess.

Similarly, media houses still keen on providing truthful information struggle to match the speed at which conflict- and elections-related disinformation spread due to limited skills and funding. Enhancing editorial guidance on the part of local media outlets and journalists also remains a need, as is building the capacity of a larger movement of journalists, independent content creators and activists that are able to fact-check, promote professional journalistic ethics, undertake digital literacy for citizens, and speak out loudly against the vice of disinformation in the country.

18Dec

Congo Heads to the Polls: Why it is Crucial to Keep the Internet On

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By CIPESA Writer |

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) heads to general elections on December 20, 2023 amidst considerable turbulence, including a deluge of disinformation and endemic insecurity in parts of the country. To move towards building a safer and more democratic society, the Congolese government must break away from its past practice of limiting internet access and commit to keeping the internet accessible ahead of, throughout and after the election period.

For more than a decade, network disruptions have been a hallmark of elections in the DR Congo, Africa’s fourth most populous country. The first network disruption, which affected Short Messaging Services (SMS), was witnessed in December 2011, following disputed elections. The government claimed the move was necessary to prevent the online spread of fake results prior to the official announcement by the electoral commission.

Three years later in January 2015, the Congolese government again ordered telecommunications companies to block access not only to SMS but also the internet. This shutdown came on the backdrop of protests against a proposed electoral bill. Whereas banks and government agencies were granted access to the internet four days after the shutdown, the general public did not regain access until after three weeks.

In 2016, the government ordered telecom operators to block access to social media sites as an attempt to thwart mobilising by protestors against then president Joseph Kabila’s stay in office beyond the two-term limit. In January 2018, internet access and SMS were disrupted ahead of a peaceful protest march organised by the Catholic Church to compel Kabila to step down following the expiry of his final term in office. 

The Congolese government again disrupted the internet during the last general elections in December 2018. A senior government official justified the move as necessary to preserve public order after “fictitious results” were circulated on social media. 

Congo faces strong challenges to electoral integrity, including logistical ones such as faulty voters’ cards, poor infrastructure that renders delivery of electoral materials cumbersome, and armed conflict that will likely limit voting in some areas. Moreover, the rampant electoral disinformation has fuelled insecurity and hindered many citizens’ ability to access credible and pluralistic information necessary to make informed and independent choices. 

Opposition leaders have accused the electoral commission of lacking independence and questioned its ability to hold free and fair elections. This has fomented hostilities against the electoral body and its officials and raised the possibility of post-election violence. 

Meanwhile, since November 19, 2023, the Committee to Protect Journalists has documented attacks or threats against at least four journalists and the closure of at least one broadcast station.

Today, a disruption to the internet would exacerbate the challenges of disinformation, incite violence, endanger people’s lives, affect press freedom, and have long-lasting harms on Congo’s economy. Shutdowns provide a shield to those who perpetrate human rights violations, deny people access to critical information, and amplify the spread of misinformation as they block access to alternative sources of verification. The resulting lack of transparency would fuel doubts about the integrity of the elections and heighten the prospects for violence.

Internet shutdowns also violate regional and international frameworks including the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR), the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa 2019, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). These frameworks uphold fundamental human rights including freedom of opinion and expression, access to information, right to assembly and social, economic, cultural and political rights.

Indeed, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association has noted that network shutdowns are in clear violation of international law and cannot be justified in any circumstances.

The 2023  election could be a key step in Congo’s move toward a more democratic, tolerant and safe society. How the country handles the election process, including the transparency and integrity of the entire electoral cycle, could determine whether the post-election period will be peaceful and see meaningful social cohesion in the country.

10Nov

Shifting the Burden: Online Violence Against Women

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By Evelyn Lirri |

Across Africa, the use of Information and Communications Technology (ICT) by women and girls remains low. Yet amidst the low access to digital tools, women, particularly those in public and political spaces, such as human rights defenders (HRDs), bloggers, and journalists, continue to be the primary target of various forms of online violence such as cyberstalking, sexual harassment, trolling, body shaming and blackmail.

 According to a 2021 global survey by UNESCO, nearly three-quarters of female journalists have experienced online harassment in the course of their work, forcing many to self-censor. Furthermore, a 2020 report by UN Women found that women in politics and the media were more likely to be victims of technology-based violence as a consequence of their work and public profiles.

Over the years, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) has documented and pursued interventions aimed at addressing the significant obstacles hindering an increase in women’s participation not only in online spaces but also in the political sphere. A concerning and recurring trend is that, oftentimes, responses to violence against women have prioritised an individual’s responsibility for self-protection rather than systematic or policy actions. 

 At the Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa 2023 (FIFAfrica23), the National Democratic Institute (NDI), Pollicy, Africtivites, the Women of Uganda Network (WOUGNET), Internews and the Solidarity Centre shared lessons learned from their work implementing multi-stakeholder interventions to address online violence against women. During a panel discussion, it was noted that applying multi-stakeholder interventions that include governments, civil society, technology platforms and media was critical in promoting safe and meaningful participation of women in online spaces. Internews and WOUGNET highlighted the work they have been jointly engaged in through the FemTech project in various African countries, aimed at empowering women human rights defenders to safely participate in digital spaces while promoting equitable access to technology. Through trainings of women human rights defenders, CSOs, policy makers and law enforcers, the project is raining awareness on how women are often impacted by cyber crimes legislations. 

In Senegal, AfricTivistes, a network organisation made up of journalists, bloggers and HRDs, has spearheaded public advocacy campaigns on responsible use of the internet. The organisation has conducted gender-inclusive training and capacity-building workshops for journalists, bloggers, public officials and political leaders on how to respond to cyber violence. Aisha Dabo, a Programme Coordinator at AfricTivistes, noted that since 2017, over 700 people in 15 African countries have been reached with these trainings. The organisation also conducts media monitoring of online violence on social media platforms. 

Sarah Moulton, NDI’s Deputy Director for Democracy and Technology, highlighted the negative impact that online violence continues to have on women who are actively engaged in politics and political spaces. In Uganda, for instance, a joint report by Pollicy and NDI documented cases of gender-based online violence during the 2021 general elections and found that women and men politicians experienced online violence differently, with women candidates likely to be trolled and body shamed while men were more likely to experience hate speech. This echoed research by CIPESA which analysed the gender dynamics of politics in online spaces in Uganda, including campaigns for presidential, parliamentary, mayoral, and other local government seats during the same elections. The CIPESA research also explored the legal landscape and in similarity to Pollicy and NDI found that although Uganda has enacted a number of laws aimed at improving digital access and rights such as the Computer Misuse Act 2011, the Anti Pornography Act 2014, the Excise Duty (Amendment) Act 2018, most do not address the gender dynamics of the internet such as targeted online gender-based violence, affordability, and the lack of digital skills among women.  

Like Africvistes, NDI has engaged in a number of campaigns to document these various forms of violence and make recommendations to address the problem. In 2022, it released a  list of interventions that could be adopted globally by technology platforms, governments, civil society and the media to mitigate the impact of online violence against women in politics and hold perpetrators to account.  

“Often, the expectation is that the individual is responsible for addressing the issue or for advocating on behalf of themselves. It really needs to involve a lot of actors,” said Moulton. 

On its part, the Solidarity Centre has been spearheading a global campaign to end gender-based violence and harassment in the world of work. With the advent of Covid-19, a growing number of women shifted online for employment opportunities, access to services and education, among others. It was highlighted that female platform workers, including influencers, content creators and women who run online retail businesses, continue to face various violations such as sexual harassment and cyberbullying. 

Panelists called on governments to ratify the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention No. 190 on violence and harassment in the world of work. This global treaty recognises the impact of domestic violence in the workplace, and how women are often disproportionately affected.  Currently, the convention has been ratified by 32 countries globally, of which only eight are African.

Journalists attending FIFAfrica23 also shared their encounters with online violence and called for regular digital literacy skills to stay safe online. Alongside the need for enhanced digital literacy, participants also noted the lack of effective reporting mechanisms for cases. Ultimately, it was noted that efforts that shift the burden of blame from victims of online violence against women in Africa need to be more actively pursued, alongside more actionable, collaborative and systematic interventions by governments, law enforcement, and platforms.

06Nov

Addressing The Gender Dynamics of Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety in Africa

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By Juliet Nanfuka |

November 2 marked the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists, a  United Nations (UN) recognised day observed annually that serves to draw attention to the level of impunity for crimes against journalists. While impunity for crimes against journalists is high and is a global reality, there is a concerning and continued gender-biased undercurrent that shapes and informs the media landscape in many African countries. As such, some cases of crimes especially against women journalists go unrecognised. The safety of African women journalists is therefore an urgent concern and a key cornerstone of press freedom..

As such, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy in East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) in partnership with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has embarked on a multi-country project centred on implementing some of the recommendations of the 2022 report on the State of Media Freedom and Safety of Journalists in Africa. 

According to the report, while both men and women journalists in Africa are likely to experience trolling, more women have been sexually harassed and threatened. Further, online attacks against women journalists appear to be increasing exponentially and have also moved offline – with potentially deadly consequences. Yet women journalists who experience abuse online rarely seek justice and often struggle to have their complaints taken seriously and properly investigated. 

Illustrative cases include some from Kenya, where in 2018, several women in the media were the target of smear campaigns on social media platforms, through hashtags, photos, and video-edited graphics depicting nude characters. In 2019, a  female journalist’s phone number was publicly shared on Twitter by Julius Malema, the leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) political party in South Africa, which resulted in “an avalanche of racialised and sexist abuse, including rape and death threats.” Although the EFF was sued, and the court found that the party had violated the electoral code by failing to “instruct and take reasonable steps to ensure that their supporters do not harass, intimidate, threaten or abuse journalists and especially women”, the case is a microcosm of what women journalists across the continent experience particularly when reporting on politics.    

More broadly, the media landscape in Africa has become rife with arbitrary censorship, especially on the internet, arrests of journalists on the grounds of combating cybercrime, fake news or terrorism, and acts of violence against media personnel that usually go completely unpunished. Although media plurality has improved dramatically on the continent, the gender dynamics remain ever-present, such as few women holding executive positions in media companies. Meanwhile, the increased reliance on technology has seen the affronts experienced by female journalists transferred online with a bigger impact on the profession, which is forcing some out entirely, silencing others from reporting on critical concerns or encouraging a culture of self-censorship. 

Accordingly, the CIPESA/UNESCO collaboration seeks to create avenues of engagement on these concerns and how they undermine the practice of journalism by women. These will be pursued by a series of inperson meetings revolving around recommendations that emerged from the documentation of media freedom and journalist’s safety in Africa. 

This work builds on earlier interventions by CIPESA including the 2020 Women At Web Uganda (#WomenAtWebUg) Masterclass and Reporting Grant which served to increase the visibility of the dynamics faced by Ugandan women online and improve balance, quality and regularity of reporting. Through the Africa Digital Rights Fund (ADRF), CIPESA supported the Women In Media Initiative Somalia (WIMISOM) in building the digital security skills and knowledge of women journalists (print, broadcast and online) and women-led media organisations in Puntland, Somalia and Somaliland as a means of combating threats against female journalists and their sources. 

In 2022, CIPESA joined the Uganda Media Sector Working Group (UMSWG) in the commemoration of World Press Freedom Day where the theme “Journalism Under Digital Siege” was the focus of deliberation. Discussion at the UMSWF meeting resonated with insights that emerged from research in Namibia. In 2022, the ADRF provided support to the Internet Society – Namibia Chapter to develop a country situational assessment on the state of online violence against girls and women in Namibia. The assessment reaffirmed the experiences of Namibian journalists as similar to those worldwide. It noted that, “where online attacks against women journalists have political motives, where political

actors, extremist networks and partisan media are identified as instigators and amplifiers of online violence against women journalists.”

In May 2023, in recognition of International Women’s Day (IWD), CIPESA hosted a regional webinar titled “Tech4Equality: Advocating for Gender Inclusive ICT Policy and governance” that assembled gender experts from a host of countries including Namibia, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia. This was complemented by efforts in Cameroon where CIPESA alongside Civic Watch and DefyHateNow engaged women journalists at a workshop on the opportunities for embracing technology while also being alive to the challenges inherent to journalism in the digital space. 

Meanwhile, gender inequalities, bias and the media have been key points of deliberation at the annual Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica) which this year marked a decade. It entailed a workshop in which partners including the National Democratic Institute (NDI), Women of Uganda Network (WOUGNET), Pollicy, AfricTivistes, and Internews presented insights from their work and recommended multi-stakeholder interventions to address online violence against women.

As more women in the media operate in environments rifled with gender-based challenges and threats that stem from deeply ingrained societal norms, collaborative efforts are required for more impactful responses to be reached. This is fundamental as the role of women journalists in shaping narratives and advancing social progress in Africa should be prioritised.

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