Explorer le paysage complexe des droits numériques au Sahel : Parole aux défenseurs

Par Simone Toussi |

Les pays de la région sahélienne, tels que le Burkina Faso, le Mali et le Niger, présentent un environnement périlleux pour les défenseurs des droits humains, au moment où des régimes militaires s’enlisent au pouvoir. L’espace numérique, autrefois perçu comme un symbole de liberté d’expression et d’accès à une information plurielle, est progressivement assiégé, les droits à la vie privée, à la liberté d’expression et à l’accès et au partage d’informations y étant de plus en plus restreints.

Si ces pays font face à des problématiques numériques communes à d’autres pays francophones d’Afrique – interruptions d’Internet, surveillance étatique, censure en ligne et instrumentalisation des lois sur la cybersécurité et la désinformation –, le renversement des gouvernements civils par l’armée y a aggravé le niveau d’autoritarisme.

Lors du Forum sur la liberté de l’Internet en Afrique – organisé par la Collaboration sur les Politiques Internationales des TIC pour l’Afrique de l’Est et Australe (CIPESA) et AfricTivistes en septembre 2024 à Dakar, Sénégal – des experts se sont réunis pour discuter des défis croissants et des opportunités en matière de droits numériques dans la région. Le panel a élucidé la position précaire des défenseurs des droits humains et le rôle ambivalent des technologies numériques, qui exacerbent autant qu’elles offrent des solutions à ces défis.

Dans le cadre des efforts de CIPESA pour lutter contre les troubles de l’information en Afrique subsaharienne et équiper les acteurs au plaidoyer pour de lois numériques plus justes, le panel a abordé des questions critiques relatives aux droits numériques ainsi que des problématiques sociales pressantes comme l’inégalité de genre, les conflits armés et la détérioration de la liberté de la presse, tout en examinant le cadre réglementaire émergent y afférent.

Les défenseurs des droits humains au Sahel, notamment les activistes pour les droits des femmes et les journalistes, rencontrent d’immenses difficultés en raison de l’instabilité politique, de la violence armée et des régimes autoritaires, qui imposent de sévères restrictions à la liberté de la presse, à la circulation de l’information et aux activités de la société civile.

Djibril Saidou, de International Media Support (IMS), a souligné que les défis des droits numériques au Sahel vont au-delà de la protection de la liberté d’expression. « Il s’agit de garantir l’accès à l’information sur des questions urgentes comme les droits des femmes et les conflits armés », a-t-il déclaré. Dans ces contextes difficiles, il a affirmé que les efforts d’intervention devraient se concentrer sur la résistance à la censure et le renforcement de la résilience des défenseurs des droits numériques et de la démocratie.

Chantal Nare, blogueuse féministe de Bloggueuses226 et activiste burkinabè, a partagé son expérience de militante pour les droits des femmes dans un environnement aussi fragile. Elle a évoqué la peur constante de représailles et de surveillance, qui entrave l’expression libre, même sur les plateformes numériques. Chantal a soulevé une question cruciale : « Comment les plateformes numériques comme WhatsApp ou les blogs peuvent-elles être utilisées pour protéger et autonomiser les femmes sans les exposer à davantage de risques face aux acteurs étatiques ou extrémistes ? »

Urbain Yameogo, du Centre d’Information et de Formation sur les Droits Humains en Afrique (CIFDHA), a cité l’abus des lois sur la cybercriminalité et le terrorisme pour restreindre la liberté d’expression. « La loi antiterroriste de 2015 au Burkina Faso permettait aux journalistes un certain accès à des informations sensibles liées au terrorisme. Cependant, les révisions du Code pénal en 2019 ont supprimé ces exemptions, exposant les journalistes à des poursuites pour des actes qu’ils exerçaient dans le cadre de leur travail, comme l’accès aux sites liés au terrorisme. Cette modification a créé une zone grise juridique qui rend les journalistes et les défenseurs des droits humains vulnérables à des persécutions. »

Les panélistes ont souligné que les journalistes de la région, rapportant sur des sujets sensibles comme le terrorisme et les violations des droits humains, sont de plus en plus poursuivis sous des lois sur la cybercriminalité, plutôt que sous les lois traditionnelles sur la presse, qui offraient historiquement plus de protection. Ce changement compromet les droits des journalistes à rapporter librement, car les lois sur la cybercriminalité, souvent mal définies, peuvent être interprétées de manière extensive pour réprimer un travail journalistique légitime.

Face au défi de défendre les droits numériques dans un climat de peur des représailles des régimes militaires, certains participants ont souligné la nécessité d’exercer une prudence extrême et d’adopter une approche conciliatrice dans leur travail. Cheikh Fall, de l’organisation régionale des droits humains AfricTivistes, a affirmé : « Parfois, il faut choisir entre la vie et la liberté. Dans les pays du Sahel sous régime militaire, les droits numériques sont éclipsés par le besoin immédiat de survie. Cette réalité souligne que la lutte pour les droits humains fondamentaux est indissociable du combat pour la liberté. »

Des propositions ont été faites pour créer des lois unifiées traitant à la fois des enjeux numériques et médiatiques. Cependant, étant donné les craintes que ces lois puissent renforcer la répression plutôt que protéger les libertés, un dialogue inclusif et des processus politiques participatifs ont été jugés cruciaux. Cela permettrait de garantir une meilleure protection non seulement pour les journalistes et les défenseurs, mais aussi pour les femmes et d’autres groupes vulnérables. À cet égard, Chantal Nare a appelé à une législation englobant les formes de répression physique et numérique.

Outre les réformes juridiques, les panélistes ont également insisté sur la nécessité d’une formation renforcée à la sécurité numérique et d’une collaboration accrue entre les acteurs locaux et internationaux.

ACHPR 81st Ordinary Session: CIPESA and Partners Host Dialogue on Advocacy Against Internet Shutdowns

By Patricia Ainembabzi |

At the 81st Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) held in Banjul on October 17-November 6, 2024, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law (ICNL), and the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) hosted a side event centered on technology and electoral democracy in Africa. While drawing impetus from various experts, discussions delved into the impact of internet shutdowns on freedom of expression, access to information, business transactions, and exclusion of vulnerable communities across the African continent. This is despite the growing role of technology as an enabler of democratic participation and increased transparency and accountability.

In March 2024, the ACHPR adopted Resolution 580, urging African states to refrain from imposing internet shutdowns, particularly during electoral periods. Eight months on, the resolution is yet to gain traction. Over 100 shutdowns have been documented in Africa since 2019, reflecting a worrying escalation in digital rights abuses. The cumulative effect of these shutdowns includes suppression of political discourse, economic losses, and an erosion of public trust in government institutions, ultimately infringing on fundamental rights to free and fair participation in the digital age.

“37% of Africa’s population has experienced internet disruptions in recent years”, Florence Nakazibwe, ICNL.

Thobekile Matimbe of Paradigm Initiative, stated that national security as the rationale for internet shutdowns was disproportionate and Courts including at the Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS) had rejected the security argument in favour of protecting digital rights. Acknowledging disinformation as a growing threat on the continent and one of the common themes in the national security justifications, Matimbe recommended targeted policies that balance free expression and countering disinformation alongside digital literacy programmes towards strengthening public trust and promoting access to information during electoral periods.

According to Grace Wangenchi from the  Independent Medico-Legal Unit (IMLU) internet shutdowns also have social impacts. Citing the example of heightened risks and isolations for victims of violence who rely on online resources for support, Wangechi called on interventions pushing back against shutdowns to be centred around the unique needs of vulnerable and marginalised communities.

Martin Mavenjina from the Kenya Human Rights Commission, added that documenting the social impact of internet shutdowns through case studies could support strategic litigation against shutdowns. He noted precedent set by the ECOWAS Court in cases from Togo, Guinea and Nigeria, Mavenjina called for advocacy efforts to ensure rulings “led to meaningful change”. 

Other avenues for pushing back against shutdowns put forward included the development of toolkits for civil society, that are anchored in ACHPR resolutions and continued research and documentation to inform engagements with policymakers, regulators, and internet service providers. Where opportunities were available, advocates were also called upon to inform consultations and calls for input by national task forces on elections.

Discussions also featured unpacking the newly developed toolkit to support the monitoring, documentation, and reporting on digital rights violations such as internet shutdowns by National Human Rights Institutes (NHRIs). The side-event builds on CIPESA and partners’ efforts to prioritise and spotlight digital rights issues as part of ACHPRs proceedings.

Confronting the Toll of Online Work on Women in Africa

By Ashnah Kalemera |

From domestic work, ride hailing, content moderation, and delivery services, to sex work, technology has revolutionised employment and labour across the world. In Africa, according to a 2023 report by the World Bank, between 2016 and 2020, job postings on one of the largest digital labour platforms more than doubled. This demand on the continent is expected to grow over the coming years.

These new forms of labour and employment have generally advanced inclusion in the workforce and promoted economic empowerment. However, despite the existence of initiatives such as SheWorks! that are dedicated to engaging women in online work, the promise of new skills, flexibility and income, the potential of women’s participation in digital work has not been fully realised. For instance, in South Africa, the share of women in online work (52%) is growing but still less than in similar occupations in the workforce at large (61%). 

Documented barriers to African women’s participation in online work include the gender digital divide and uneven access to the internet and digital tools. Meanwhile, the wider challenges of digitalisation of work and labour, including the lack of social protections, job insecurity, unequal pay, unfair treatment, discrimination, bias, increased surveillance and lack of autonomy, are exacerbated for women.

In an effort to build narratives and movements on gender and labour online, the recently concluded Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa 2024 (FIFAfrica24) featured discussions on feminist futures of work that highlighted lived experiences and advocacy strategies.

Speaking at the Forum, Abigail Osiki, a Lecturer in the Department of Mercantile and Labour Law at the University of Western Cape, South Africa, stated that fair and decent work for women online not only encompasses security, fair wages and productivity, but also mental health. The mental health challenges of online employment opportunities for women were said to be compounded by stigmas about certain forms of labour – such as sex work being considered prostitution and virtual assistants being “just secretaries”.

“The worst part about working for OnlyFans for me is the toll it takes on my mental health. For a long time I kind of swallowed my emotions and didn’t care what anyone thought because I was making so much money, but then it got to a point where I felt like I was selling my soul. I would often break down to my younger brother that I feel like I sold my soul.” – an Interview with an OnlyFans Worker.

The “uneven power” within online employment was also pointed out. Highlighting the example of non-disclosure agreements (NDAs), speakers at FIFAfrica24 argued that such agreements perpetuated “master-servant relationships” and “forced labour”, leaving many women with no option but to work “from a point of desperation as opposed to choice”.

A former content moderator for a social media platform narrated her recruitment as a language translator, signing of an NDA, and only finding out the scope of her work upon exposure to graphic content. She recalled the mental health side effects of the job and the inability to disclose the nature of her work to healthcare professionals for “fear of going to jail for 20 years” as stipulated in the NDA. She added that she worked in a foreign country without a work permit for a year, isolated in a hotel for six months and without leave days. Whereas she and colleagues were able to unionise, they had no legal support. The unionisation initially led to salary increments but their employment contracts were later terminated without benefits.

For African women in the informal sector, the situation was said to be even more dire. As part of her address in the opening ceremony, Catherine M’seteka of the International Domestic Workers Federation (IDWF) argued that limited access to information and digital illiteracy had made it harder for domestic workers to mobilise or report common violations such as forced labour, exploitation and sexual harassment.

According to Siasa Place’s Angela Chukunzira, digitalisation also had an impact on non-tech based labour. She cited the example of online reviews in the hospitality sector and their impact on the rights of housekeeping workers – who are usually women.

“Marginalised workers are invisible in policy making,” said M’Seteka as she called for more platforms  – both formal and informal – for multi-stakeholder engagement and advocacy on the digital economy.

M’Seteka’s and others’ calls echo recommendations in a policy brief on Labour and Digital Rights in Africa, which emphasised the need to strengthen legal recognition of workers online to ensure their safety and welfare alongside efforts to foster innovation and economic growth that overcome inequalities, bias and discrimination.

In visioning a future of work from a feminist perspective, Osiki stated that advocacy and policy interventions must consider women in the digital workforce as heterogeneous – of different cultures, contexts and involved in different types of work. That way, regulation of uneven power relations and efforts in collective bargaining would articulate varied interests to avoid exploitation. Priorities put forward for collective bargaining were equal pay, contract transparency, protection against harassment and exploitation, alongside career mobility and progression as well as health and safety. “All these [interests] vary for freelancers, domestic workers, location-based service providers and content moderators,” said Osiki.

African states were urged not to politicise technology-based jobs as a solution to the continent’s unemployment and poverty crisis. Rather, they should negotiate partnerships and equitable regulation with a view of increasing tax revenue to enable provision of social and welfare protections for citizens.

For the wider community – users, activists, media, the legal fraternity and civil society organisations – there were calls for solidarity such as in strategic litigation and establishing communities of care to support women in digital workspaces. This, together with efforts to promote cultural and language sensitivity for some forms of employment would go a long way in overcoming derogatory and biased narratives in society.

Civil Society Trained on Digital Rights Advocacy for Persons with Disabilities

By CIPESA Staff |

Despite the recent exponential growth and penetration of inclusive digital technologies in Africa, persons with disabilities have remained disproportionately hindered from enjoying the benefits that come with these technological advancements as they are often excluded from the design, implementation processes, and discussions about the said technologies. As a result, the technology has remained largely inaccessible due to the prohibitive associated costs and unusable because of low levels of digital literacy among persons with disabilities. Additionally, many technologies were not designed with input from persons with disabilities regarding their user needs.

While governments, both at the national and international levels, have made great strides in legislating against the discrimination of persons with disabilities, the vast majority of the laws remain unimplemented. For example, it has taken at least six years for the African Union’s Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights relating to the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in Africa to come into force after its 15th ratification by the Republic of Congo in May 2024. The other 14 member states that have ratified the Disability Protocol are Angola, Burundi, Cameroon, Kenya, Mali, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Niger, Rwanda, South Africa, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, and Uganda.

At the national level, in most countries, there have been only superficial efforts to guarantee that the rights of persons with disabilities to access technology are respected both in the laws and in practice. Efforts to galvanise the demand for digital rights for persons with disabilities have remained few and far between, despite some noticeable increases in the number and capacity of disability rights actors to advocate for the digital rights of persons with disabilities. The growth in capacity has also been hampered by limited direct funding for Organisations of Persons with Disabilities (OPDs), thereby undermining their ability to develop and engage in strategic advocacy, including setting the disability rights agenda.

In addition, crucial interventions at the forefront of digital inclusion remain mostly disjointed, with different players operating in silos to promote the inclusion of women, persons with disabilities, and other vulnerable and marginalised groups. This undermines the cohesion and the impact these efforts would have if they were harmonised.

It was against this background that the Collaboration on International Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), in partnership with the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), Thomson Reuters Foundation (TRF), and the African Center for Media Excellence (ACME) convened a one-day capacity-building workshop in Dakar, Senegal, for disability rights organisations and other digital rights advocates. The workshop equipped participants with the skills, knowledge, and tools necessary to advance digital rights for persons with disabilities.

The training was part of CIPESA’s ongoing work on digital inclusion particularly for persons with disabilities and was organised as a pre-event at the 11th edition of CIPESA’s annual Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica) that took place on September 24-27, 2024. The 21 workshop participants were drawn from Ethiopia, Ghana, the Ivory Coast, Kenya, Senegal, Uganda, and Zimbabwe and included lawyers, academics, journalists, OPDs, media, regulators, civil society organisations, and development partners – all with varying levels of experience working on disability rights.

Paul Kimumwe from CIPESA noted in his remarks that the biggest challenge to advancing digital rights for persons with disabilities has been the inability of advocates to understand and appreciate the intersectionality between disability, technology, and human rights. He added that there is a great focus on the business side especially the “bottom line” by technology developers rather than the needs of the user and how the technology which has become widely available, affects the ability of persons with disabilities to enjoy their fundamental human rights, including the right to education, health, and movement.

Lynnet Onyango from the TRF noted in her presentation that while many African countries have passed progressive laws and policies providing for the rights of access to digital technologies, many of these provisions remain unimplemented, affecting the ability of persons with disabilities to enjoy their fundamental human rights. According to Onyango, the failure to compel broadcasters to provide closed captions and sign language interpretation on their programming denies persons with disabilities access to news and information.

For many participants, the training offered an opportunity to learn and network with disability rights actors from across the continent and build synergies.

“It was interesting to learn that beyond the geographical differences in Africa, disability issues tend to be similar. However, with the influence of culture and technological advances, each country has to address disability challenges in a contextualised manner by localising and customising initiatives to reflect the lived experiences of persons with disabilities.” – Nicodemus Nyakundi, Digital Accessibility Program Officer, Kenya ICT Action Network (KICTANet).

For Dr. Abdul Busuulwa, a disability rights activist and Lecturer in the Department of Community and Disability Studies at Kyambogo University, Uganda, affordability and digital illiteracy remain a big challenge. Dr. Busuulwa noted that many accessible gadgets and assistive technologies are very expensive and the majority of persons with disabilities cannot afford them. In addition, while several open-source software applications provide some assistive technological support, this is not known to many people with disabilities.

In his presentation on engaging with media, Apolo Kakaire from ACME emphasised that, given the central role that the media (both mainstream and online) play in shaping public perceptions and information dissemination, it is crucial that disability rights organisations and activists develop strong and long-term working relationships with newsrooms and individual journalists, including building their capacity on disability rights coverage.

In her opening remarks, Morgan Frost, the Senior Manager of Global Programs at CIPE, highlighted the importance of multi-stakeholder efforts that empower persons with disabilities in the digital age. Frost also underscored that events such as the training workshop serve as a foundation for civil society, the local private sector, and media organisations working on digital inclusion efforts to share lessons learned and develop advocacy strategies that advance more accessible digital spaces.

Can the AU Data Policy Framework (DPF) support Digital Trade in SACU?

By Shamira Ahmed |

As Africa navigates the complexities of digital transformation, the African Union’s Data Policy Framework (DPF) has been heralded as a key instrument for establishing coherent data governance across the continent. However, in the specific context of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), its digital trade ambitions, and the complexities of international rules governing cross-border data flows (CBDF) and digital trade the question arises:

Can the AU Data Policy Framework (DPF) support Digital Trade in SACU?
For SACU member states (MS)—comprising Botswana, Eswatini, Lesotho, Namibia, and South Africa—digital trade can be a key facilitator of economic development.

While the DPF offers important guiding principles, the Data Economy Policy Hub (DepHUB) supported by the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) have published a paper and policy brief on “Assessing the Suitability of the African Union Data Policy Framework for Digital Trade in Africa: A South African Customs Union (SACU) Case Study” thatreveals shortcomings regarding the DPF according to three main categories, namely, approach, implementation, and scope that affect its suitability for SACU’s digital trade aspirations.
SACU has the potential to leverage digitalisation to enhance trade facilitation, revenue collection, and competitiveness. However, SACU’s digital landscape is still evolving, with varying levels of endowments, capabilities, and enablers such as digital infrastructure, robust data governance policies, and regulatory frameworks amongst the SACU member states, which pose a significant challenge to deepening SACU integration.

Furthermore, the successful integration of digital trade within the African context relies on the effectiveness and harmonization of various prerequisites and enablers, such as cross-border data policy frameworks and essential network infrastructure, among others, to support an inclusive digital single market.

The DPF offers an essential starting point for SACU’s engagement with digital trade, but it falls short in several key areas:

  1. Approach: The DPF’s overemphasis on legal frameworks such as FRAND , and regulatory sandboxes as only positive aspects needs to be recalibrated with a more balanced approach to better support digital trade in Africa. CBDF should be prioritized alongside data sovereignty and mutual recognition agreements— greater flexibility and policy space is needed to enable innovation in SACU’s nascent data ecosystem.
  • Implementation: Relying on national data protection authorities and the AUC’s limited capacity may hinder effective implementation across SACU. A more legally binding regionally coordinated approach such as the Digital Protocols of the Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) may be more appropriate as the Draft Protocol can create binding conditions necessary to ensure that all SACU members benefit from the DPF.

Scope: The DPF does not include data governance issues that impact digital trade such as all the dimensions of data interoperability, gender inequality, and environmental sustainability. Addressing these gaps is crucial for ensuring that SACU’s digital trade is not only economically inclusive but also socially and environmentally responsible.
To fully capitalize on the potential of digital technologies for economic growth, SACU countries need a more harmonized and collaborative approach to data governance.

A proactive sociotechnical approach, which better addresses the complexity of the data economy, must be adopted to balance the risks and benefits of digital transformation.

To overcome multidimensional barriers, SACU member states must adopt a transversal approach that aligns digital trade policies with broader economic, regulatory, and infrastructure goals. A transversal approach requires a much-needed focus on both supply-side policies, such as enhancing digital public infrastructure, and demand-side policies, such as promoting digital capabilities.