Portal on Gender-Based Violence in Africa Expanded with ADRF Support

Update |

The Covid-19 pandemic was characterised by a sharp increase in gender-based violence (GBV) in Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa, as well as other countries across the world. This was largely attributed to lockdown restrictions, which left victims isolated in the same physical space as their abusers, reduced availability of shelters and other support mechanisms, and exacerbated economic anxiety and mental health pressures – all key drivers of GBV.

The pandemic also accelerated digitalisation, which widened the scope of Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence (TFGBV). According to UN Women, in Africa, online abuse, harassment and exploitation increased as learning went online during the pandemic. Similar  concerns about online harms are discussed in the African Union Guidelines on Gender-Responsive Responses to COVID-19.

Alt Advisory, a South Africa based public interest advisory firm, launched the endgbv.africa as a resource on domestic and international responses to GBV online and offline before, during and after the pandemic. At the time of its launch in 2022, the portal featured GBV mapping and assessments on the legal and policy developments, trends and statistics as well as key terminologies on six African countries – Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.

With a grant from the Africa Digital Rights Fund (ADRF) – an initiative of the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) –  Alt Advisory has revamped and expanded the portal to cover an additional seven countries – Eswatini, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Nigeria and Uganda. The project has also featured a spotlight series on experiences of sexual minorities in Botswana and Uganda.

The new seven country factsheets were developed in collaboration with researchers from various fields, with multidisciplinary perspectives regarding GBV, thereby expanding the breadth of information relating to organisations and movements hitherto unknown due to varied degrees of online visibility. This collaborative approach has strengthened the regional network of gender rights advocates beyond national borders.

“Our hope is that the project’s focus on TFGBV enabled researchers to develop their own insights on emergent forms of harm which may potentially enrich future policy advocacy in their contexts,” said S’lindile Khumalo, a Senior Associate at Alt Advisory.

Alt Advisory’s Equity and Inclusion as well as Media teams are working to publicise the portal to maximise uptake and impact. The firm will also continue to fundraise to expand the portal’s coverage to the full African continent and translate the resources to increase relevance and accessibility to a diversity of audiences. All this, in tandem with efforts in law and policy reform, advocacy, and activism on GBV and related issues. “As the portal undergoes further development, we hope that it contributes to the end of GBV in our lifetime,” concluded Khumalo.

Counting the Benefits of Fact-Checking Training for Ethiopian Journalists

Journalists play a crucial role in informing citizens and shaping public opinion in Ethiopia. However, in recent years, the proliferation of disinformation and hate speech has become a significant challenge. The surge in disinformation is undermining social cohesion, promoting conflict, and leading to growing threats against journalists and human rights defenders.

Accordingly, it is crucial to conduct fact-checking training  for Ethiopian journalists so as to safeguard the integrity and reliability of journalism in the country. A number of Ethiopian journalists have undergone training in understanding disinformation and hate speech. However, most of them lack practical skills in conducting fact-checking. It is against this background that, in May 2024, CIPESA organised a fact-checking and ethical reporting workshop for 20 Ethiopian journalists in the capital Addis Ababa.

Two months later, journalists and media development actors point to the benefits of that training. 

“The fact-checking and verification training was crucial for Ethiopian journalists and content producers, as it provided them with valuable tools to combat daily misinformation and produce reliable news stories,” notes Kirubel Tesfaye, one of the experts that conducted the training. “The training equipped them with the most essential and current tools in the industry, allowing them to produce credible and trustworthy news and reports.” 

By equipping journalists with fact-checking skills, they can serve as gatekeepers of truth, helping to counter disinformation and to ensure that accurate information reaches the public. Ethiopia has experienced an explosion in disinformation over the last five years, with the armed conflicts which have plagued the country being key drivers of disinformation. 

Selam Mulugeta, a journalism lecturer at Addis Ababa University who participated in the training, enumerates the benefits of the fact-checking training. “One of the most important things was to learn how to recognise dis/misinformation on different websites and social media sites, and to learn [about] fact-checking tools to debunk disinformation,” she says. She adds that after gaining fact-checking knowledge, journalists will contribute to minimising the amount of false information in the public domain. This will in turn lessen the harms of disinformation.

According to Konjit Zewdie of NBC TV, there is a need for more practical training workshops focussed on fact-checking as there is a dire shortage of fact-checking skills among journalists amidst the deluge of illegal and harmful content, including hate speech. She says the training was crucial in capacitating journalists to identify sources of disinformation and to use various fact-checking tools. 

Konjit notes that Ethiopian journalists are often unable to get reliable information from concerned bodies, which presents a challenge for fact-checking. The training gave the journalists alternative ways of verifying information even when they face blockages in accessing information from official sources.

“The training added great value to the journalists because it covered several topics with practical exercises, from the basics of fact-checking to advanced fact-checking techniques. The participants gained insights into the motivations behind the sharing of disinformation, the actors responsible, and the tactics employed by them. Furthermore, the training highlighted prevalent disinformation trends in Ethiopia and provided participants with online tools and techniques to effectively combat disinformation.” – Kirubel Tesfaye, fact-checking trainer

The May 2024 training built on an earlier one CIPESA conducted in November 2023 that equipped 21 Ethiopian journalists, bloggers, and activists with knowledge to navigate the country’s law on hate speech and disinformation and skills to call out and fight disinformation and hate speech.

Mulugeta says that by honing their fact-checking skills, journalists are better positioned to deliver factual information and live up to their duty as mouthpieces of the masses. Moreover, journalists and content creators would become more responsible and accountable for the content they create, and play a role in developing media literacy among the general population.

Tiblets Tesfaye, a senior journalist with Wazema Media, said the training “offered significant value by equipping journalists and content creators with essential skills to identify and correct misinformation, fostering a culture of accuracy and ethical reporting”.

According to her, the training also enhanced the journalists’ ability to recognise and mitigate hate speech, thereby contributing to more reliable and responsible media practices that support social cohesion and peacebuilding in the country. Tesfaye adds: “The benefits are huge because most social media influencers are based in Addis Ababa, but it would be good to extend this training to regional cities as well.”

See more about the training focus here

Is Foreign Malign Influence Inspiring Digital Authoritarianism in Uganda?

By CIPESA Writer |

A new policy brief by the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) on the deteriorating state of digital rights in Uganda examines whether the east African country is drawing inspiration from China for its brand of digital authoritarianism.

Uganda is ranked as “Partly Free” by Freedom House’s annual Freedom on the Net report, with the biggest contributing factor being the repressive laws governing the digital civic space and surveillance, particularly those that enable internet censorship, network disruptions, and deployment of surveillance technologies such as spyware and video surveillance.

China has been a notable source of support in developing Uganda’s digital communication and other infrastructure. For example, Chinese telecom firm Huawei helped set up a video surveillance system for the Uganda Police, and reportedly aided security agencies to spy on political opponents in the country. China has also organised numerous study tours for Ugandan officials and journalists that are centred on popularising its economic and governance systems.

The brief illuminates how China and its model of governance and state surveillance may be influencing or inspiring retrogressive laws and undermining digital rights in Uganda. It explores the legal reforms necessary to advance digital rights in Uganda and the role that legislators, civil society organisations, human rights defenders (HRDs), and journalists should play.

Uganda has mirrored some practices from China, a country which various global indices consider a leading player in digital authoritarianism. While it is not patently clear whether China has directly influenced legislation in Uganda, the brief notes that “it has arguably inspired some of the legal frameworks and practices that fuel digital authoritarianism in the east African country.”

There is ample evidence indicating that African autocracies are exploiting the adoption of Chinese technology and model of internet controls to roll back democratic gains through surveillance and censorship.

China invested more than USD 110 million in Uganda’s National Backbone Data Transmission Project and also supported the National Fibre-Optic Project. There are suggestions that the national backbone and fibre-optic projects are part of a digital infrastructure that has enhanced the Uganda government’s surveillance capabilities that violate the right to privacy and freedom of expression.

China has continually buttressed its influence over Uganda’s social-economic development through the seemingly no-strings-attached loan schemes that have often been acknowledged and praised by President Museveni. This non-interference policy in the internal affairs of other countries allows their governments greater leeway to suppress dissent and democratic processes without facing criticism or repercussions from China.

By contrast, the Uganda government or senior public officials have during 2023 and 2024 attracted sanctions by the United States of America, the United Kingdom, and the World Bank over governance and human rights concerns. As such, the Chinese no-governance-strings-attached model is criticised for emboldening authoritarian tendencies in the countries it partners with.

However, the brief states that claims of China actively seeking to export its governance model and influencing local laws and practices in Africa are often anecdotal and inconclusive. Moreover, such claims and, often, the evidence they advance, assume that African governments are incapable of developing home-grown systems of governance and thoughtlessly rely on models from other continents.

Recommendations

Uganda should resist all foreign influence and models that promote digital authoritarianism and undermine democracy. The country’s laws must respect internationally recognised human rights standards and promote the use of a free, open, and safe internet.

The brief makes several recommendations, such as:

  • Parliament should strengthen legal and regulatory frameworks by amending or repealing regressive and oppressive frameworks to ensure responsible and ethical use of surveillance technology.
  • Parliament should enact laws that specifically protect journalists, whistle-blowers, human rights defenders, and activists from wanton threats, arrests, and prosecutions over legitimate online communications and activism that advances social accountability, respect for human rights, and good governance.
  • Civil society should conduct evidence-based research into the actions of foreign actors and how they adversely impact local laws, policies, and democratic governance.
  • Various stakeholders, including academia, the media, and lawyers, should engage in public interest litigation to challenge provisions in legislation that limit the exercise of digital rights.

See the full policy brief here.

CIPESA Joins Call Against Internet Shutdowns In Kenya During #RejectTheFinanceBill2024 Picketing

Statement |

The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) has joined the Kenya ICT Action Network (LICTANET), Paradigm Initiative, and Internet Society Kenya Chapter in a call against internet shutdowns in Kenya during the ongoing #RejectTheFinanceBill2024 picketing.

The call states. “We strongly urge the Kenyan government to refrain from enforcing any Internet shutdowns or information controls in response to the ongoing protests against the Finance Bill 2024 through the hashtag #RejectFinanceBill2024. Such measures would infringe on the fundamental rights and freedoms of Kenyans as well as negatively impact Kenya’s economy, democracy, and reputation in the eyes of the international community.”

Kenya’s constitution and international human rights legislation safeguard the fundamental rights to freedom of expression, access to information, and picketing, which would be violated by internet shutdowns, censorship, and other information controls. By preventing citizens from engaging in public conversation and holding the government accountable, internet disruptions subvert democratic processes.

A blackout of the internet in Kenya will have disastrous economic effects for example:

  1. Kenya’s thriving e-commerce business would be severely disrupted. Kenya’s e-commerce market is predicted to reach US$801.4 million (Ksh 103 billion) by the end of 2024. The Internet Society’s Pulse NetLoss calculator estimates that a total Internet outage may cost Kenya’s economy Ksh 810 million (US$6.3m) in lost Gross Domestic Product (GDP) every day.
  2. Millions of Kenyans who depend on these services for daily transactions including banks, would be impacted by the paralysis of the mobile money industry, which includes M-Pesa, which handles over Ksh 6 billion transactions annually valued at over Ksh 6.4 trillion (US$50 billion).
  3. There would be major setbacks for Kenya’s digital startup sector, which attracted Ksh 141.3 billion (US$1.1 billion) in funding in 2022 and would cause investor confidence to decline.
  4. However short-lived, Internet disruptions affect many facets of the national economy and their effect persists far beyond the days on which access is disrupted. They carry reputational risk, hurt investor confidence, disrupt supply chains, and can discourage foreign direct investments (FDI).
  5. The tourism sector, which makes up a sizeable portion of Kenya’s GDP, would suffer because travelers rely mostly on internet connectivity to make reservations and obtain information.
  6. Furthermore, Internet shutdowns would hinder emergency services and access to vital information during crises. They would also damage Kenya’s reputation as a hub for technology and innovation in East Africa, as well as Africa’s Silicon Savannah.

The #FinanceBill2024 has already encountered strong opposition, and in particular, using digital activism. This has prompted the Kenya government to withdraw several contentious clauses. This illustrates the value of having open lines of communication between the public and the government and the influence that public discourse may have.

We urge the government to respect democratic values, have an honest conversation with demonstrators, and answer their concerns transparently.

A peaceful resolution of the current crisis and the maintenance of Kenya’s democratic and economic development depend on keeping lines of communication open and protecting and prioritizing Internet access.

For any clarification and media briefing, contact [email protected]

The ADRF Awards USD 134,000 to 10 Initiatives to Advance Tech Accountability in Africa

Announcement |

The grant recipients of the eighth round of the Africa Digital Rights Fund (ADRF) will implement projects focused on Artificial Intelligence (AI), hate speech, disinformation, microtargeting, network disruptions, data access, and online violence against women journalists and politicians. The work of the 10 initiatives, who were selected from 130 applications, will span the breadth of the African continent in advancing tech accountability.

“The latest round of the ADRF is supporting catalytic work in response to the urgent need to counter the harms of technology in electoral processes,” said Ashnah Kalemera, the Programmes Manager at the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) – the administrators of the Fund. She added that for many of the initiatives being supported, tech accountability was a new area of work but the various projects’ advocacy, research and storytelling efforts would prove instrumental in pushing for tech justice

Established in 2019 as a rapid response and flexible funding mechanism, the ADRF aims to overcome the limitations of reach, skills, resources, and consistency in engagement faced by new and emerging initiatives working to defend and promote rights and innovation in the face of growing digital authoritarianism and threats to digital democracy in Africa. The sum of USD 134,000 awarded in the latest round, which was administered by CIPESA in partnership with Digital Action, brings to USD 834,000 the total amount awarded by the ADRF since inception to 62 initiatives across the continent.

According to Kalemera, the growth in the number of applicants to the ADRF reflects the demand for seed funding for digital rights work on the continent. Indeed, whereas the call for proposals for the eighth round was limited to tech accountability work, many applicants submitted  strong proposals on pertinent issues such as digital inclusion, media and information literacy, digital safety and security, surveillance, data protection and privacy, access and affordability – underscoring the cruciality of the ADRF. 

Here’s What the Grantees Will be Up To

In the lead-up to local government elections in Tanzania, Jamii Forums will engage content hosts, creators and journalists on obligations to tackle hate speech and disinformation online as a means to safeguard electoral integrity. In parallel, through its Jamii Check initiative, Jamii Forums will raise public awareness about the harms of disinformation and hate speech.

Combating hate speech and disinformation is also the focus of interventions supported in Senegal and South Sudan. Ahead of elections in the world’s youngest nation, DefyHateNow will monitor and track hate speech online in South Sudan, host a stakeholder symposium in commemoration of the International Day for Countering Hate Speech as a platform for engagement on collective action to combat hate speech, and run multi-media campaigns to raise public awareness on the harms of hate speech. Post elections in Senegal, Jonction will analyse the link between disinformation and network disruptions and engage stakeholders on alternatives to disruptions in future elections.

In the Sahel region, events leading up to coups in Chad, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have been characterised by restrictions on media and internet freedom, amidst which disinformation and violent extremism thrived. As some of the states in the region, notably Burkina Faso and Mali, move towards an end to military rule and head to the polls, the Thoth Media Research Institute will research disinformation and its role in sustaining authoritarian narratives and eroding human rights. The learnings from the research will form the basis of stakeholder convenings on strategies to combat disinformation in complex political, social, and security landscapes. Similarly, Internet Sans Frontières (ISF) will study the role of political microtargeting in shaping campaign strategies and voter behaviour, and the ultimate impact on the rights to privacy and participation in Mali. 

In South Africa, the Legal and Resources Centre (LRC), will raise awareness about the adequacy and efficacy of social media platforms’ content moderation policies and safeguards as well as online political advertising models in the country’s upcoming elections. The centre will also provide legal services for reparations and litigate for reforms related to online harms.

A study has found that Africa’s access to data from tech platforms, for research and monitoring electoral integrity, was below that in Europe and North America. Increased access to platform data for African researchers, civil society organisations, and Election Management Bodies (EMBs) would enable a deeper understanding of online content and its harms on the continent, and inform mitigation strategies. Accordingly, the ADRF will support Research ICT Africa to coordinate an alliance to advocate for increased data access for research purposes on the continent and to develop guidelines for ethical and responsible access to data to study elections-related content.

The impact of AI on the information ecosystem and democratic processes in Africa is the focus of two grantees’ work. On the one hand, the Eastern Africa Editors Society will assess how editors and journalists in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Ethiopia have adopted AI and to what extent they adhere to best practice and the principles of the Paris Charter on AI and Journalism. On the other hand, the Outbox Foundation through its Thraets initiative will research the risks of AI-generated disinformation on elections, with a focus on Ghana and Tunisia. The findings will feed into tutorials for journalists and fact checkers on identifying and countering AI-generated disinformation as part of elections coverage, and awareness campaigns on the need for transparency on the capabilities of AI tools and their risks to democracy. 

Meanwhile, a group of young researchers under the stewardship of the Tanda Community-Based Organisation will research how deep fakes and other forms of manipulated media contribute to online gender-based violence against women journalists and politicians in the context of elections in Ghana, Senegal, and Namibia. The study will also compare the effectiveness of the legal and regulatory environment across the three countries in protecting women online, hold consultations and make recommendations for policy makers, platforms  and civil society on how to promote a safe and inclusive digital election environment for women.

Past and present supporters of the ADRF include the Centre for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), the Ford Foundation, the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), the German Society for International Cooperation Agency (GIZ), the Omidyar Network, the Hewlett Foundation, the Open Society Foundations, the Skoll Foundation and New Venture Fund (NVF).