FIFAfrica24: Shaping the Future of Internet Freedom in Africa!

By FIFAfrica |

The highly anticipated Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa 2024 (FIFAfrica24) is just around the corner, and this year we’re heading to the vibrant city of Dakar, Senegal that in 2024,  has been the backdrop of a variety of both controversial and pivotal developments impacting democracy and digital rights.

Senegal was to host its elections on February 25, 2024, but instead was thrown into turmoil following a February 3, 2024 announcement that the elections had been postponed and that the incumbent – Macky Sall’s presidency would be extended until his successor is installed.  Shortly after the announcement,  internet access in the country was restricted in a move that the Ministry of Communication, Telecommunications, and Digital Economy justified as a response to the spread of “hateful and subversive messages” threatening public order.

Elections would eventually be held on March 24 vote and would run smoothly with no major incidents reported, and an eventual peaceful transition of power to President Bassirou Diomaye Diakhar Faye. Senegal’s electoral journey stands out, particularly in contrast to the turbulent electoral climates in other African states.

While 2024 has been hailed as the Year of Democracy in which more than 2 billion people will go to the polls in 65+ elections across the world, in the biggest elections megacycle so far this century, with several taking place in Africa. 

Meanwhile, despite its economic challenges, Senegal is among a handful of African states alongside Benin, Mauritius, and Rwanda that have developed national Artificial Intelligence strategies. This goes against the trend in which the most developed or largest economies are the first to create national AI strategies. In the case of Africa, countries like South Africa or Nigeria would create national AI strategies first, yet neither has done so (though Nigeria’s strategy is reportedly in development).

Senegal’s commitments to a progressive legal, regulatory and institutional framework for the technology sector include its efforts in data governance, a hub for innovation, a  National Digital Addressing, and advancing a comprehensive National Data Strategy.

This year, Senegal joined 17 African countries that have put at least one satellite in orbit. It joined countries such as South Africa and Egypt which have 13 satellites each, with Nigeria ranking in third with seven satellites. President Bassirou Diomaye Faye remarked that the move signified a major step towards Senegal’s “technological sovereignty”.

This points to the wide spectrum along which many African countries sit regarding digital adoption, digital inclusion, technology-related regulation and legislation. The Forum aims to capture this diversity through the following themes:

  • Digital Inclusion
  • Digital Resilience                             
  • Freedom of Expression & Access to Information
  • Information disorder (mis/disinfromation)          
  • Implications of AI            
  • Governance and Policy
  • Movement Building

See the agenda

As a member of the #InternetFreedomAfrica community, FIFAfrica24 offers a unique platform to explore a wide range of themes and also provides valuable networking opportunities with participants from around the world with the shared vision of digital rights in Africa.

Join the Conversation

Can’t make it to Dakar? Don’t worry FIFAfrica24 will be streamed live here! You can still participate in discussions, watch live panels, and engage with attendees using the hashtag #FIFAfrica24 on social media. Better yet, you can register to attend remotely or in person and engage directly with participants within the event platform.

Be sure to stay connected, follow the debates and discussions, and contribute your thoughts and insights to the #InterneyFreedomAfrica community.

Kenyan Journalists Trained on Digital Rights and Addressing Online Harms

By Lyndcey Oriko |

The National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC) and the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) have trained 60 Kenyan journalists on addressing digital harms such as hate speech and disinformation.

The training in Naivasha in June 2024 targeted journalists and media workers based in Nakuru County, which the Commission has identified as a conflict hotspot. The journalists were equipped with the knowledge and skills to navigate the complexities of reporting on digital rights and online harms in a more professional and ethical way, particularly during sensitive periods such as conflicts and protests.

The training happened at a time when Kenya was experiencing protests and demonstrations dubbed the #RejectTheFinanceBill2024. The protests saw significant mobilisation and engagement on social media platforms, predominantly TikTok and X. The country had also experienced internet throttling despite assurances by the communications regulator that they had no plans to switch off the internet and calls by civil society actors for the government not to interrupt internet services.

In his opening remarks, NCIC’s Commissioner, Dr. Danvas Makori, underscored the critical role journalists play in mitigating hate speech and fostering peace, particularly during sensitive periods such as conflicts and protests. He highlighted the importance of ethical reporting, particularly in the face of rising disinformation and online hate speech.

Dr. Wairagala Wakabi from CIPESA discussed the challenges to internet freedom, including increased censorship and harassment of journalists and independent content creators. He challenged participants to engage in research to inform their reporting and to leverage the emerging technologies to always verify and fact-check as a way of combating disinformation and online hate speech.

The workshops included in-depth sessions on balancing freedom of expression,  which is guaranteed by article 33 of the Constitution of Kenya 2010, with necessary limitations, such as those aimed at combating hate speech, which is stipulated in the National and Cohesion Integration (NCI) Act, 2008. The training emphasised the importance of protecting offline and online rights, and the journalists were reminded of their responsibilities to uphold rights and freedoms while avoiding content that could harm others.

Making references to the #RejectTheFinanceBill2024, the discussions also tackled various forms of online harm, emphasising the importance of civic education, policy enforcement, and ethical reporting.

On his part, Kyalo Mwengi, the Director Legal Services at NCIC, emphasised the fundamental role of journalists in fostering peace. The training was essential to equip journalists with the skills to verify information, understand the nuances of conflict-sensitive reporting, and to effectively use social media to promote cohesion rather than division and to ensure that the public receives reliable and truthful information.

Liban Guyo, Director Peace Building and Reconciliation at the Commission highlighted the importance of contextualising stories, especially those about conflicts. He said the media can escalate or de-escalate a conflict through their reporting, which underscored the need for conflict-sensitive reporting.

Mwengi also presented some of the Commission’s recommendations to the Parliamentary Cohesion and Equality Committee, which is considering amendments to the 2008 Act through the National Cohesion and Integration Bill, 2023. He noted that because the NCI Act was enacted prior to the passage of the 2010 Constitution, it lacked constitutional powers, thereby affecting its performance and effectiveness. Accordingly, the Commission was proposing that the NCIC should be anchored within the Constitution, like other Commission, with clear funding mechanisms and guaranteed independence. In addition, the amendments should consider the prevailing digital landscape to craft robust online hate speech regulations.

In her remarks, Lucy Mwangi from the Media Council of Kenya (MCK) urged journalists to apply the training’s teachings daily, emphasising ethical standards and the promotion of peace and accuracy, both online and offline. She stressed the importance of being registered and carrying press cards to uphold professional integrity, including ensuring their personal safety.

Some of the key issues raised by the participants include the high cost of verifying information, low digital literacy, lack of awareness of conflict-sensitive reporting, and the reactive approach by social media platforms to hate speech and misinformation that allows harmful content to spread quickly. The workshop not only provided valuable insights into the responsibilities of journalists in the digital age but also fostered a collaborative spirit among media professionals to address the challenges posed by online harms. Given the recent protests against proposed tax hikes in Kenya, the timing of this training was particularly relevant, underscoring the need for responsible reporting amidst heightened social tensions. Overall, this initiative represents a proactive step towards promoting ethical journalism and safeguarding digital rights in Kenya.

Rollout of Digital Number Plates Poses Privacy Concerns in Uganda

By CIPESA Writer |

The rollout of the digital number plate system in Uganda is well underway. At a press conference last month, the Ministry of Works and Transport announced January 2025 as the deadline for full roll out. The system – over two years in the making – is a joint project between the government of Uganda and Russian company Joint Stock Company Global Security and has caused alarm among rights activists as it introduces another layer of massive personal data collection and processing amidst weak controls.

The stated objective of the Intelligent Transport Monitoring System (ITMS) is to improve the country’s transport management systems and security by enabling the authorities to “swiftly identify vehicles involved in criminal activities and improve traffic management through efficient ticketing and revenue collection”. It will involve the installation of digital number plates on all vehicles and motorcycles in the country, allowing security agencies to track and pinpoint their location at any one time.

  Overview of ITMS
Digital Number Plate ComponentsStatus of Fitment on Government Vehicles as at June 2024Target Installations (Registered Vehicles as at July 2024)
Aluminium plates – front and back1,0912,145, 988
A tracker
A sim chip
Bluetooth beacons – front and back
Snap locks

Once rolled out, the digital plates will add to the catalogue of surveillance apparatus in Uganda. The country already has a plethora of retrogressive laws, such as the Regulation of Interception of Communications Act 2010 and the Anti-Terrorism Act 2002 that require communication service providers to aid in intercepting communication by ensuring that their systems are always technically capable of supporting lawful interception. The laws also grant powers to an authorised officer to intercept the communications of a person and to conduct surveillance of individuals.

The components of the digital number plates will enable the government through its security agencies, such as the police, to swiftly identify vehicles and their owners. Instantaneous data exchanges pose major challenges to data privacy, especially in cases where there are calculated targets such as civil society organisations (CSOs), human rights defenders (HRDs), activists, and political opponents, government critics, or dissidents.

An added concern is that, according to the Uganda Police, the digital number plate system will be integrated with the Closed Circuit Television System (CCTV) system and others such as the motor vehicle registration system, the e-tax system managed by the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) and the national identity database managed by the National Identification and Registration Authority (NIRA) to “ensure comprehensive vehicle and personal identification.” Given weak controls over data held by public bodies and rare punishment for data breaches and unauthorised access, linking these databases absent clear data-sharing frameworks and robust controls poses grave concerns. Notably, Uganda does not have a law or regulations governing CCTV/ video surveillance.

Whereas there are efforts to localise parts of the system through the establishment of a local production facility for the various components, the partnership with Joint Stock Company Global Security underscores Uganda’s reliance on foreign entities for purposes of conducting surveillance and interception of private communication of its citizens. For example, in August 2022, there were reports that the Uganda Police had purchased UFED, a technology developed by the Israeli firm Cellebrite that enables authorities to hack into password-protected smartphones.

Earlier, starting in 2018, Uganda turned to a Chinese company, Huawei, for the supply and installation of CCTV across major cities. The decision to install the CCTV cameras came on the heels of a spate of murders that had engulfed the country, with the security forces keen on using the CCTV cameras to improve security in the country. Like many other government security procurements, the CCTV deal raised a lot of transparency and accountability issues, including the secrecy that surrounded the entire process.

Additionally, there were reports that security agencies were working with Huawei technicians in Uganda to spy on opposition critics by intercepting encrypted communications and using cell data to track their movements. This appeared to be the continuation of a trend that was documented earlier in 2012, when the Uganda government reportedly relied on a Germany-made spyware, FinFisher, which it is said to have covertly installed in various places, including hotels, the parliament and key government institutions, for purposes of surveilling on its opponents, including politicians, civil society, and the media.

Given the country’s history of repressing the civic space and harassing political opponents, CSOs and HRDs, the ITMS digital number plates could further the suppression of civil liberties, including political participation, freedom of expression, access to information and assembly and association. Moreover, deeper democratic regression could occur since these liberties largely depend on privacy and the ability to express oneself with minimal interruptions or interference.

While the government has a legitimate desire to improve the security of its people and transport management, recent events as discussed above where the same government has used the acquired technologies to surveil its citizens and undermine digital rights, it is critical that any future attempt to enhance its surveillance apparatus is anchored in law with clear oversight mechanisms. This is because the deployment of surveillance technologies such as ITMS, FinFisher, and Huawei’s CCTV present a veritable avenue for economic and political exploitation by collecting extensive data on people’s behaviour, location, activities, and interests online and offline. This makes the risk of violation of privacy apparent, rendering citizens helpless because they essentially have no control over how the data will be used, even when they are aware that data is being collected.

It is, therefore, important that the government reduce its reliance on foreign-manufactured surveillance technologies, particularly from countries whose human rights record is wanting, as these have tended to use these tools to suppress civic spaces. In addition, the government should reconsider its regulatory framework to ensure it conforms to international standards on privacy and data protection, especially during the procurement and deployment of potentially intrusive technology that is prone to abuse.

Portal on Gender-Based Violence in Africa Expanded with ADRF Support

Update |

The Covid-19 pandemic was characterised by a sharp increase in gender-based violence (GBV) in Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa, as well as other countries across the world. This was largely attributed to lockdown restrictions, which left victims isolated in the same physical space as their abusers, reduced availability of shelters and other support mechanisms, and exacerbated economic anxiety and mental health pressures – all key drivers of GBV.

The pandemic also accelerated digitalisation, which widened the scope of Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence (TFGBV). According to UN Women, in Africa, online abuse, harassment and exploitation increased as learning went online during the pandemic. Similar  concerns about online harms are discussed in the African Union Guidelines on Gender-Responsive Responses to COVID-19.

Alt Advisory, a South Africa based public interest advisory firm, launched the endgbv.africa as a resource on domestic and international responses to GBV online and offline before, during and after the pandemic. At the time of its launch in 2022, the portal featured GBV mapping and assessments on the legal and policy developments, trends and statistics as well as key terminologies on six African countries – Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.

With a grant from the Africa Digital Rights Fund (ADRF) – an initiative of the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) –  Alt Advisory has revamped and expanded the portal to cover an additional seven countries – Eswatini, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Nigeria and Uganda. The project has also featured a spotlight series on experiences of sexual minorities in Botswana and Uganda.

The new seven country factsheets were developed in collaboration with researchers from various fields, with multidisciplinary perspectives regarding GBV, thereby expanding the breadth of information relating to organisations and movements hitherto unknown due to varied degrees of online visibility. This collaborative approach has strengthened the regional network of gender rights advocates beyond national borders.

“Our hope is that the project’s focus on TFGBV enabled researchers to develop their own insights on emergent forms of harm which may potentially enrich future policy advocacy in their contexts,” said S’lindile Khumalo, a Senior Associate at Alt Advisory.

Alt Advisory’s Equity and Inclusion as well as Media teams are working to publicise the portal to maximise uptake and impact. The firm will also continue to fundraise to expand the portal’s coverage to the full African continent and translate the resources to increase relevance and accessibility to a diversity of audiences. All this, in tandem with efforts in law and policy reform, advocacy, and activism on GBV and related issues. “As the portal undergoes further development, we hope that it contributes to the end of GBV in our lifetime,” concluded Khumalo.

East and Southern African National Human Rights Commissions Trained in Digital Rights Protection

By CIPESA Writer |

As part of its ongoing efforts to enhance the ability of African National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) to monitor, protect, and promote digital freedoms, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) last month conducted a two-day capacity-building training that attracted NHRI representatives from Lesotho, Mozambique, Tanzania, Uganda, Zimbabwe, and Zambia.

The two-day training that was held in Nairobi, Kenya, on June 25 and 26, 2024, sought to empower staff of NHRIs in the region to engage with the opportunities and challenges that digital technology poses for human rights protection and monitoring of digital rights. In his opening remarks, CIPESA Executive Director Dr. Wairagala Wakabi noted that NHRIs play a critical role in the protection and promotion of human rights, and given the deteriorating state of digital rights in the region, it was important that they are equipped to deal with the intersection between the digital and the traditional human rights. According to the Paris Principles, NHRIs are required to have a broad mandate that allows them to effectively execute their mandate of promoting and protecting human rights, both offline and online.

The Nairobi training followed a similar training that CIPESA conducted in Ethiopia for staff of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC), who identified key actions the commission could integrate in its annual work plans, such as digital rights monitoring, advocacy for enabling laws to be enacted, and developing tools for follow up on implementation of recommendations on digital rights by treaty bodies and the United Nations Human Rights Council.

Digital Rights as Human Rights

Digital rights have been recognised at both international and regional levels. For example, in 2018, during its 38th session, the United Nations Human Rights Council adopted resolution A/HRC/RES/38/7 that reaffirmed that “the same rights that people have offline must also be protected online.” In 2016, the United Nations General Assembly passed a non-binding resolution on “the promotion, protection, and enjoyment of human rights on the Internet,” condemning any measures taken by state parties to prevent or disrupt internet access and calling upon them to refrain from and cease any such measures.

In March 2024, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights passed resolution ACHPR.Res.580 (LXXVIII)2024 on Internet Shutdowns and Elections in Africa “reaffirming the importance of access to the internet in the digital age and its implication for the realisation of human rights”. The resolution called upon member states to “refrain from ordering the interruption of telecommunications services, shutting down the internet, and/or disrupting access to any other digital communication platforms before, during or after the elections.”

Challenges Facing NHRIs

In many cases, African NHRIs have found themselves operating in an increasingly hostile environment with limited funding and hostility from state agencies, who sometimes view their role as countering and incriminating the government in human rights violations. In addition, because of the limited funding, many NHRIs are not in a position to recruit or improve the level of expertise among their staff members, especially when it comes to new and emerging technologies and how they affect the enjoyment of human rights. Participants acknowledged that, in many cases, they are always playing catch-up when it comes to legislation, yet they are supposed to be the primary advisors and reviewers of draft laws related to human rights.

In his remarks, Victor Kapiyo, one of the trainers, noted that the adoption of digital technologies has brought up new human rights issues, particularly as governments have reacted by enacting laws that have, for the most part, served to stifle human rights as opposed to facilitating their enjoyment. On the other hand, digital technologies have also facilitated the spread of hate speech, disinformation, and technology-facilitated gender-based violence. It is important that NHRIs keep enhancing their capacity to monitor, investigate, and protect against violations of digital rights by both governments and private actors, including big tech companies.

Practical Strategies for NHRIs

During the training, participants discussed an array of strategies that they can adopt to monitor, document, and protect digital rights, including the use of practical legal and policy guidance set out in the Rabat Plan of Action, as well as Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights when engaging with governments and business entities especially technological companies in regards to their obligations to respect, protect and promote human rights.

Participants also noted the need to engage with security agencies, the justice department, and policymakers on issues of digital rights. It was noted that because the concept of digital rights in Africa is new and evolving with limited understanding and jurisprudence, NHRIs need to constantly retool themselves on the emerging issues if they are to execute their mandates effectively. Other strategies included building coalitions and collaborations with civil society actors, the media and academia to help unpack and create awareness about digital rights.

The training was facilitated by trainers from CIPESA, Internews, the International Centre for Non-Profit Law, and the Kenya National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC).