End of Politeness: African Feminist Movements and Digital Voice

FIFAfrica19 |
Feminism movements online face audience aggression and are often misunderstood. Nonetheless, in recent years, the voice and presence of African feminists online is growing and reinforcing decades long offline efforts aimed at shifting norms, perceptions and power tilted against women and vulnerable communities. As such, growing feminist movements are contributing to narratives which previously did not feature much in mainstream media and in online spaces.
One rising player in these movements is AfricanFeminism.Com which is an online collective of feminist writers from across the continent who are documenting the struggles and achievements of women and other minorities while also amplifying the work of feminists on the continent. Since its origins in 2011, the site has grown to become a channel for driving feminist narratives in online spaces in Africa. These are in turn contributing to debates on issues such as women representation and inclusion, cyber-violence against women and other human rights.
This year, AfricanFeminism.Com will assemble actors in the African feminist movement at the Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa 2019 (FIFAfrica19). In a session titled “End of Politeness: African Feminist Movements and Digital Voice”, the collective will illustrate how the current pan-African feminism movement is thriving on access to technologies that earlier generations did not have, to advance women’s right to self-expression and access to information.
The session will bring experiences and lessons from across the continent on how feminist movements are being defined and the online backlash that many young women have to face in order to make themselves heard. The African experience of internet freedom greatly mimics freedoms offline including through the gender divide, literacy, economics and even politics. This session will show trends of how African feminist online communities are pushing for greater equity and equality including through various forms of advocacy such as the radical expression of Uganda’s Dr Stella Nyanzi.
Moderator: Rosebell Kagumire | Editor, AfricanFeminism.com
Panelists:

  • Nana Akosua Hanson | Director, Drama Queens Ghana
  • Beatrice Mateyo | Executive Director, Coalition for the Empowerment of Women and Girls (CEWAG) Malawi
  • Selam Mussie | Media and Communications Consultant, Ethiopia
  • Lugain Mahmoud | Activist, Fifty (Women Representation) Campaign, Sudan
  • Jeanne Elone | Human Rights & Social Impact, Africa Public Policy, Facebook

Follow the conversation using #FIFAfrica19 and #InternetFreedomAfrica.

Are Malawians Sleep-Walking into a Surveillance State?

By Jimmy Kainja |
In the last three years, the Malawi government has passed a lot of legislation, among these, is the National Registration and Identification System (NRIS), which according to the National Registration Bureau, is aimed at addressing the lack of universal and compulsory registration – the NRIS allows Malawians to have a national ID.
According to UNDP, one of the main funders of the exercise, 9 million Malawians have registered as of October 2019. This shows that Malawians have generally welcomed the exercise. Meanwhile, the registration in on going all District Offices where anyone turning 16 years can register and have their ID card issued.
Reasons for the general acceptability of the ID registration differ and in absence of any survey it is difficult to generalise the reasons but it can be speculated that among the reasons is that the majority of Malawians lacked any form of ID to do daily transactions. Majority Malawians do not have a passport or driver’s license and yet advance in technology, mobile banking for example, has increased demand for IDs in the country.
Following the NRIS exercise, the national ID has become increasingly become the only form of identification for most public transactions and registrations. In 2018 Malawi government through its telecoms regulator, MACRA, rolled out mandatory SIM Card registration, this is provided for in PART XI of Communications Act, 2016. The voter registration for 2019 tripartite elections required the national ID as a form of identification; and now commercial banks in the country have rolled out what they are calling “know your customer” (KYC) exercise, in which clients have to update their personal information with the banks. This time the banks are only accepting the national ID as a form of identity for Malawians, and passport for none Malawians.
This means that in a very short space of time Malawians have given away a lot of their personal data to both private and public institutions. All the data is tied to one’s national ID. This includes our communication data through our SIM Card enabled communication – internet, text messages and voice calls. But who how safe is this personal data? During the voter registration exercise did we not hear of Malawi Electoral Commission found abandoned in Mozambique? How do we ensure that our personal data is safe? How can we be sure that no third parties have access to our personal data? Who should be held accountable in case of any data breach?
These are legitimate questions, especially as any breach of personal data has implications on personal privacy. Privacy is inviolable right and it is constitutionally provided for under article 21 of Malawi constitution. Often people argue that you should not worry about privacy if you have nothing to hide. Yet, privacy does not mean that you have something to hide.
Journalist, Glenn Greenwald observes that privacy is important because we all need places where we can go to explore the issue without the judgmental eyes of other people being cast upon us. He argues that their people have all kinds of things they want to keep a secret that has nothing to do with criminality. He adds:
“only in a realm where we’re not being watched can we really test the limits of who we want to be. It’s really in the private realm where dissent, creativity and personal exploration lie… When we think we’re being watched, we make behaviour choices that we believe other people want us to make … it’s a natural human desire to avoid societal condemnation. That’s why every state loves surveillance — it breeds a conformist population.”
In the wake of mass personal data collection, Malawi needs personal data protection legislation, and this legislation should have been in place before the NRIS and what has followed that exercise. Data protection is important in order to prevent third parties from accessing personal data and also stopping the authorities abusing personal data they collected in good faith.
Personal data protection is crucial for freedom of choice and freedom of expression. People are unable to express themselves freely in the presence of watchful eye on everything that you are doing, browsing on the Internet for example. Inevitably, this has a chilling effect on activists, human rights defenders and other vulnerable communities as these groups can easily be targeted by both state and non-state actors.
The mass collection of personal data in the absence of data protection law should be of concern to all Malawians as it has the capacity to allow state surveillance. Furthermore, the mandatory SIM card registration in the absence of data protection laws means that our private communication, online and offline can easily be violated by both state and non-state actors. As with the mandatory SIM card registration, governments usually use security to introduce laws and policies. But you cannot protect people on one hand while violating other rights and freedoms on the other. Security and civil liberties can and do coexist and it is the obligation of the state to balance the two.
*Note: this article is informed by Internet freedom and digital rights training for CSOs I coordinated and co-facilitated in Lilongwe (30-31st July 2019) on behalf of The Collaboration on International ICT Policy in East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).
This article was originally published in The Nation

Inaugural Winners of the Africa Digital Rights Fund Announced

Announcement |
The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) is pleased to announce the winners of the first round of the Africa Digital Rights Fund (ADRF). A total of USD 65,000 has been awarded to 10 initiatives that will advance digital rights in 16 African countries – Algeria, Burundi, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gambia, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Senegal, South Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Launched in April 2019, the ADRF is aimed at growing the number of individuals and organisations that work to advance digital rights in Africa, amidst rising digital rights violations such as arrests and intimidation of internet users, network disruptions, and a proliferation of laws and regulations that hamper internet access and affordability, and undermine the potential of digital technologies to catalyse free expression, civic participation, and innovation.
Although it is still early days, the Fund has received profuse interest from across the continent, with several worthy initiatives proposing projects including in countries with numerous digital rights challenges but little effort to address them. 
According to Ashnah Kalemera, the CIPESA Programmes Manager, the first call for proposals attracted more than 150 applications from 30 countries. “Digital rights advocacy, digital safety and security skills building, innovating for social enterprises’ efficiency, litigating for digital rights, and empowerment for marginalised communities, were among the prevalent lines of work proposed. There were few proposals in the area of research, and much fewer on engagement in legislative processes, despite the ongoing enactment of often retrogressive laws and regulations governing digital rights,” she said. 
The applicants were assessed by a panel of experts based on the following attributes:

  • The applicant’s experience in advancing digital rights/track record on similar work;
  • Demonstrated need for the project including relevance to described context and  priorities of the Fund;
  • Eligibility in terms of geographic coverage, proposed activities, duration, and evidence of the applicant’s formal registration or operations;
  • Demonstration of innovation with regards to approach, feasibility of deliverables and timelines, and potential impact of the intervention;
  • Budget feasibility; and
  • Diversity considerations.

The review panel consisted of three internal CIPESA programme staff and four external experts with extensive experience in the digital rights field. The external reviewers were Neil Blazevic -Technology Manager at DefendDefenders (formerly East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project), Sadibou Sow – West and Central Africa Regional Technology Advisor of Amnesty International, Dr. Edgar Napoleon  Asiimwe – Research Manager at the Swedish Programme for ICT in Developing Regions (Spider), and Koliwe Majama – Organiser of the Africa School of Internet Governance at the Association for Progressive Communications (APC).
The winners of the ADRF’s first call are:
1. Access for All – South Sudan
Access for All will  build the advocacy and digital security capacity of South Sudanese women refugees and human rights defenders. These engagements, which will be conducted in Arabic and English, will explore current human rights defenders’ security/ protection concerns in South Sudan, and the mechanisms to address them.  
2. African Human Rights Network (AHRN) Foundation – Tanzania
The project will strengthen the capacity of human rights defenders (HRDs) and their organisations on digital security and provide them with essential tools. A total of 60 Tanzania HRDs will be provided with training and exchange opportunities to reduce digital security risks. The project complements the activities of Shelter City Dar es Salaam which is a regional temporary relocation program for HRDs in the Great Lakes region.
3. Burundi Youths Training Centre – Burundi
The project will build the capacity of human rights defenders and media organisations in digital rights advocacy. The engaged organisations will be mentored to develop and implement strategic advocacy campaigns for digital rights, including the right to privacy and personal data protection in Burundi.
4. Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria – South Africa
The centre will document and analyse threats and mounting pushbacks against civil society in the digital age in Egypt, Sierra Leone, Uganda, and Zambia. Leveraging its network of former graduates and local partner tertiary institutions, the centre will map the legal and digital threats to civil society in the focus countries in order for stakeholders to have full evidence-based knowledge of these threats and how to navigate them. The bilingual (French and English) research outputs will feed into the centre’s Master’s programme curriculum module on civil society studies in Africa and short courses on human rights and good governance.
5. Freedom of Expression Hub (FoE Hub) – Uganda
In collaboration with the Uganda Law Society, the Freedom of Expression Hub will conduct digital literacy and litigation surgeries for lawyers and journalists in northern Uganda’s West Nile sub-region on emerging digital rights issues affecting freedom of expression, access to information and media rights. The surgeries aim to promote collaboration and rapid response to digital rights violations especially through courts of law. Furthermore, the Hub will work on creating a database of advocates who can adequately respond to digital rights cases in the sub-region.
6. Global Voices – Sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East and North Africa 
As part of its wider Advox programme, Global Voices will document experiences of  online mis/disinformation and the impact of internet shutdowns on citizens’ rights to freedom of expression and access to information during elections and protests in seven countries – Algeria, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Tunisia, Uganda and Zimbabwe. Through translation and targeted outreach, the project will contribute African perspectives to the global debate on mis/disinformation and shutdowns, and train local writers to improve their digital rights reporting skills.
7. Internet Society (ISOC) Namibia Chapter – Namibia
In the run up to the November 2019 elections, ISOC Namibia will work to build the capacity of journalists and editors to fact-check misinformation. It will also work with women parliamentarians, political activists and various other actors in a campaign to tackle politically motivated-gender based violence online.
8. Jonction – Senegal 
Jonction will  implement advocacy and awareness creation campaigns among state, private sector and civil society actors in Senegal to foster an enabling environment for freedom of expression, privacy and data protection online.
9. Kuza STEAM Generation (KsGEN) and Centre for Youth Empowerment and Leadership (CYEL) – Tanzania
The grant will be used to organise “Schools” on Internet Governance (IG) and digital rights through which various stakeholders will be trained and mentored to lead IG-related discussions at national and regional level. One of the schools will specifically target girls and women in Arusha so as to increase Tanzanian women’s participation in internet governance
10. YMCA Computer Training Centre and Digital Studio – The Gambia
Building on its youth-empowerment initiatives, YMCA Gambia will undertake a sensitisation drive on cyber-bullying and online safety among youths as a means of combating harassment and online abuse of women and girls.
 
 
 
 

Deux études sur la cybersécurité et la cybercriminalité au Sénégal

Jonction |
Jonction vient de produire deux (02) études; l’une portant sur l’état des lieux de la cybersécurité et de la cybercriminalité au Sénégal et l’autre sur une analyse critique de la stratégie nationale de cybersécurité du Sénégal. Ces études ont été menées dans le cadre du programme «Intégration des droits de l’homme dans les processus de cybersécurité et de cybercriminalité» ; mené en partenariat avec Global Partner Digital.
Le programme «Intégration des droits de l’homme dans les processus d’élaboration de politiques en matière de cybersécurité et de cybercriminalité» au Sénégal a pour objectif général de:

  • Faciliter l’engagement de la société civile dans les processus décisionnels nationaux clés en matière de cybersécurité et de cybercriminalité.

En effet ; le gramme vise à renforcer la liberté de l’Internet au Sénégal en facilitant la participation de la société civile aux principaux processus nationaux en matière de cybersécurité et de cyberdécision.
Le projet est guidé par deux (2) objectifs stratégiques globaux, chacun d’eux ayant des activités bien conçues pour garantir que les objectifs seront atteints :

  • Objectif 1 : Renforcer la capacité des organisations de la société civile du Sénégal à s’engager efficacement dans les principaux processus d’élaboration des politiques en matière de cybersécurité et de cybercriminalité
  • Objectif 2 : Renforcer l’engagement stratégique de la société civile dans les principaux processus d’élaboration des politiques en matière de cybersécurité et de cybercriminalité au niveau national ; les résultats des politiques au niveau national s’inspirent des contributions de la société civile et, par conséquent, des normes et du droit internationaux relatifs aux droits humains.

How Social Media Taxes Can Burden News Outlets: The Case of Uganda

By Juliet Nanfuka |
In July 2018, the government of Uganda implemented a tax on individual users of social media platforms. In the first three months following the introduction of the tax in the country, internet penetration dropped from 47 percent to 35 percent. Given that a significant amount of news circulation now happens via social media and messaging apps, how might this new tax impact the news media ecosystem? The negative effects on news media are less direct and arguably more pernicious than might be expected.
See the full report published on the Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA) website as part of the Open Internet for Democracy Leaders Initiative.